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.41  1  Hot 


DA 


\ 


/WILLIAM  ANbbU 


7/ 


PYTHOUSE  PAPEn.- 


n.ACr 


LONDON 


/)  A  /  / 


1879 


Master  Negative  # 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC  MICROFORM  TARGET 


Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


942.062 
D33 


i^'^'v 


Day,  William  Ansell,  ed. 

The  Pythouse  papers  :  correspondence  concerning  the 
civil  war,  the  Popish  plot,  and  a  contested  election  in 
1 68o.  Transcribed  from  mss.  in  the  possession  of  V.  F. 
Benett-Stanford  ...  Ed.,  and  with  an  introduction,  by 
William  Ansell  Day  ...     London,  l^ickers  &  son,  1879. 

vii,  xcviii,  105,  [1]  p.     25^''°'. 

Contains,  aniongr  others,  letters  from  Charles  i  to  Prince  Rupert,  from 
Lord  Percy  to  the  King  and  Prince  Paipert,  and  from  AVilliam  Betinett  to 
Colonel  Benett. 


Subject  entries :  Gt.  Brit.— Hist— Civil  war,  1042-1049. 


H-6225 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


Library  of  Congress,  no. 


V    ' 


DA410.D27. 


TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 


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CORRESPONDENCE 


COXCHRNlNi,    riil-    ClX'n.  WAR, 


THE   FOPISil    PLOT,   wp 


A  COXTESTKD  ELECTION    IN    1680, 


Transcribed  from  J/SS.  i)i  the  possession  of 

V.    F.    BENETT-STAXFORD,  Esq,  MP. 


Edited,  and  witii  an  Introduction^  by 
WILLIAM  AN  SELL  DAY, 

AUTlluK   OF    "Till':    KU6SIAN    GOVEKNMKNT    IN    POLAND. 


X 


LONDON : 
BICKERS  &  SON,  i,  LEICESTER  SQUARE. 

1879. 


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WVMAN'    AM)    <;.>N-s,    PRIN'TERS, 

GREAT    gLEEX    i-TKia;T,     LINCOL.n's    1N\    FIKLUS, 

LU.NL)0\,     W.t. 


^ 


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♦'«";> 


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I 


3 


CONTENTS. 


iMRODrCI  ION 

I.KTIER.^  — 

I.      The  King  to  rrincc  Ru}K'rt 


12. 

IS- 
M- 
i6. 

17- 
i8. 

19. 


n 

>» 

7? 


2.  bame  to 

3.  Same  to 

4.  Same  to 

5.  Same  to 

6.  Same  to 

7.  Same  to 

8.  Same  to 

9.  Same  to 

10.  Lord  Grandison  to  Prince  Rupert 

11.  Henry  Hastings  [Lord  Loughborough] 

to  the  King      

Earl  of  Derby  to  Prince  Rupert 

Duke  of  Richmond  to 

Sir  Arthur  Aston  to 

Ferdinando,  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  to  Sir 

Edward  Nicholas     

Sir  William  Vavasour  to  Prince  Rupert 
Duke  of  Richmond  to 

Same  to 

Same  to 

20.  Duke  of  Newcastle  to 

21.  Sir  Jacob  Astley  to 

22.  Lord  Ethyn  [General  King]  to  , 

23.  J.  O.  Grandison  to 

24.  Ralph  Goodwin  to 

25.  Colonel  [Sir  Samuel]  Tukc  to  Major 

General  Porter         


5J 
)5 


5) 
?5 


3  Pel).  1643 

4  Nov,  1643 
12  Nov.  1643 

4  ?^Iar.  1644 

12  Mar.  1643 

15  Mar.  1643 

27  Mar.  1643 

21  April  1644 
24  April  1644 

8  Feb.  1643 
15  Jany.  [1644] 

2 1  April  [         ] 

22  Jan.    [         ] 


...         [         ] 

[1643] 

18  Sept.  [1643]  ••- 

Nov.  1643    ••• 

25  March    [1644] 

1  July,  1644     ... 

12  Jan.  1645 

23  Jan.  1645      ... 

7  P^eb.  1645     ... 

7  Feb.  1645     ••• 


I 

I 
I 

2 

o 
4 

5 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
10 

10 

12 

13 

15 
16 

17 
18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 


6259 


\ 


VI 


THE    PVTIIOL-SE    PAPERS. 


CONTEXTS. 


Vll 


26. 
27. 

28. 
29. 

3f- 
32- 

33- 

34- 
35- 
36. 


Daniel  O'Neille  to  Prince  Rupert 

Finding  of  the  King  in  Council  of  War 
on  Surrender  of  Bristol 

Anonymous  Letter  to  Prince  Rupert  . . . 

Henry  Osborne  to  ,, 

Sir  Edward  Nicholas  to  Prince  Ruj)ert 

Petition   from  W'estbury,  Wilts,   to  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax       

Report  on  Value  of  Vicarage  of  West- 
bury 

J  • • •      ...      ...      ... 

Andrew  Seymour  to 

Charles  II.  to  Prince  Rupert       

Sir  Henry  de  Vic  to  Lord 


YAr.t 


2  1    Oct.     1645         • 

■-■     [■''-45] 

r  Xov.  1645     • 
7  Dec.  1645 

28  Feb.   1647      •• 


Sir  Edw.  Nicholas  to  Prince  Ru^jcrt 

Letters  fnvn  Lord  Percy       

Note  on  Lord  Percy     


37- 

Lord  Percy  to  P 

mice  Ruj)er 

38- 

Same  to 

» 

39- 

Same  to 

»> 

40. 

Same  to 

n 

41. 

Same  to 

»» 

42. 

Same  to 

>» 

43- 

Same  to 

» 

44. 

Same  to 

f» 

45  ■ 

Same  to 

>> 

46. 

Same  to 

i> 

47. 

Same  to 

i> 

48. 

Same  to 

»> 

49. 

Same  to  the  K 

ing     

50. 

Same  to  Prince  Rupert    . . 

51- 

Same  to 

» 

52. 

Same  to 

>f 

53- 

Same  to 

>» 

54. 

Same  to 

» 

55- 

Same  to 

»f 

16  July.  1647     ... 
.8  1)0,;.  [  ]... 

7  June,  1653    ... 

6  Feb.  1656     ... 


6    Nov.   1642    ... 
[21  Feb.  1643]  ••• 
[29  April,  1643] 
30  [April,  1643] 
8  June,  [1643] 
[3  July,  1643]  ••• 
6  July,  [1643]  ••• 

•  a  •  •    •    . 

2  2  [July,  1643]  ... 
23  July,  [1643]  •■• 

29  July,  1643     ••• 

30  [July,  1643]  ... 
17  Aug.  [1643]... 

•  •  •  •  ■  • 

J 5  Nov.  [1643]  ••• 

21  March,  [1644] 

28   [March,  1644] 

[Same  date]  ... 

8  July,  [1643]... 


'  i 

2^ 

29 
30 
32 


34 


0:) 
36 


39 
41 

45 
47 
47 
48 

49 
5° 
5Q 
5^ 

54 

55 

56 

57 

58 

59 
60 

62 
63 


Letters  from  William  Benett  to  his  Mother. 


57- 

31  Jan. 

1679 

58. 

10  July, 

1679 

59- 

20  Oct. 

1679 

60. 

6  Nov. 

1679 

Letters  from  William  Benne:t  to  Colonel  Benett. 


6t. 

I  Oct.  1677 

62. 

13  Oct.  1677 

63. 

13  June,  1678 

64. 

7  Jan.  1678 

^>5. 

31  May,  1679 

66. 

15  Jan.  1680... 

67. 

18  Jan.  1680... 

68. 

22  Jan.  16S0... 

69. 

29  Jan.  1680... 

70. 

6  Feb.  1680 

71- 

23  Feb.  1680 

72. 

3  March,  16S0 

73- 

21  March,  1680 

74. 

No  date   . . . 

APPENDIX. 


r.\(;F. 


72 


72 


73 

74 


••     •••  •••  >•«  •■■  t«*  ••■  •■ 

**    ••*  •  \  '-••  •(i<  •••  ■•■  *■ 

•■•  •••  ■••  •!•  •.»  ••<  •« 

•  •           •■•  •*■  •••  ■■•  •■•  •*.  ■• 


80 
81 
82 

^3 

85 

86 

86 
88 
90 

93 

94 
96 

98 

100 


Letter  from  Lord  Shaftesbury  to  Mr.  Bennett...   28  Aug.  1675    •••    ^02 


56.     The  Breviates  of  the  Prince's  Letters,.. 


i 


INTRODUCTION. 


HE  characters  of  the  men  who  bore  part  in  the 
lE^ra!  o-reat  rebelHon  stand  prominently  befon:  ns. 
1™^^"^'  In  the  confused  chronicles  of  earlier  times  the 
annahst  laid  on  the  colours  where  he  chose,  he  arnm-ed 
every  light  and  every  shade,  and  with  his  bus}-  pencil 
created  demi-i^ods  or  imagined  fiends.  In  the  contest 
between  the  King  and  his  disaffected  subjects  all  the 
conditions  were  changed;  on  every  side  light  streams 
in  upon  us  ;  the  fierce  political  pamphlets  and  newspapers 
of  the  day,  the  memoirs,  letters,  and  state  papers  sub- 
sequently published,  and  the  essays  at  a  yet  later  date:  of 
historians,  philosophers,  and  partizans,  all  contribute  to 
that  o-reat  store  of  historical  lecU'ning  on  which  the  in- 
quirer  can  draw,  and  from  which  he  ma)-  torm  an 
estimate  of  the  actors  in  diat  eventful  strife. 

It  is  difficult,  however,  to  write  of  the  past  and 
not  to  feel  like  a  partizan,  and  in  almost  every  essay, 
memoir,  or  history  we  refer  to,  there  are  traces  of  a 
bitterness  of  spirit  and  harshness  of  judgment  which  are 
scarcely  consistent  with  a  justly  poised  balance.  No 
doubt  the  records  of  the  past  history  of  their  own  land 
are  of  exceptional  interest  to  English  writers.     Inmost 


*     till 
0 


!1  INI  kOI '!;C'l  io\. 

roiintrio  th.-rc  is  a  wide  -ulf  b<:l\V(j<-n  ihe  past  and  the 
[jrescnt  ;  a  syst^mi  of  i^^ovcrnment  existed  ;  it  became 
nnsuited  to  the  requirements  or  the  will  of  the  nation, 
and  in  some  political  hurricane  it  was  swept  away  ;  a 
new  system  was  eavcu-d  on  the  old  site,  and  the  \-ery 
foundations  of  the  forn:.  i-  e'jifice  W(a'e  rooted  up — there  was 
no  connecting'  link  hetwr.-n  them,  and  thou-'h  the  history  of 
th'^  older  structure  mi-ht  ha\-e  som<-  .uitiquarian  interest 
it  had  no  real  brarin^i;  on  acii\-e  political  life. 

In  Kni;-Iand.  on  th<'  contrar\-.  revolutions  have  in 
UTf^at  measure  l3een  ^'overned  by  precedent,  and  it  is 
natural,  wh'^n^  the  actions  of  our  ancestors  may  materially 
affect  our  ri--hts,  that  we  should  r-c,^ard  tlKan  with  an 
interest  similar  to  that  which  we  feel  for  the  politics  of 
our  own  time,  in  which  history  is  bein-'  enacted  before 
our  eyes  by  the  leaders  we  Ibllow  or  their  anta'-'onists 
v.hom  we'  distrust. 


IXTROOUC  iiox 


m 


It  !s  needless  for  the  [)ur|)ose  of  illustrating"^  the 
letters  before  us  to  compos;"  nn  elaborate  essav  on  their 
authors— yet  their  characters  are  interesting-,  aaid  a  fe 
observations  may  not  be  out  of  place. 


w 


Foremost  in  station,  the  centre  and  the  mark  of 
all  the  intrigues  and  cabals  of  that  stormy  epoch,  the 
character  of  the  King  is  the  ilrst  subject  that  commands 
our  attention.  Eight  generations  have  lived  and  passed 
away  since  the  troubles  that  beset  him  commenced,  yet 
his  character  and  career  are  still  the  theme  on  which 
loyalty  delights  to  dwell  and  which  detraction  has  made 
her  own.  There  has  been  reason  alike  for  panegyric  and 
condemnation  ;  for  the  exaggerated  adulation  of  the 
Cavalier,  and  for  the  Roundhead's  bitter  wrath. 


No  Character  in  historv  is  better  known  to  us 
than  is  this  unhappy  King.  His  stately  eftig\-  lias  been 
handed  down  to  us  on  "the  breathing  CcUivass  of 
Vandyke,"  his  noble  eloquence,  like  some  costly  jewi^l. 
has  been  preserved  in  the  classic  setting  of  Clarendon  ; 
and  his  memory  is  reverenced  bv  everv  lo\er  of 
literature  and  e\er\-  student  of  art.  I  lis  Liood  resolutions. 
his  noble  language,  his  loftv  bearaiLT.  his  en(a'Lr\"  and  laiih 
commanded  the  love  of  his  adherents  and  tardv 
admiration  of  his  enemies  ;  while  the  imshrinking 
steadfastness  of  his  gaze  when  he  had  nought  s;ive  de:ith 
to  look  upon,  won  him  back  the  love  of  his  peo})le.  and 
secured  the  eventual  triumph  of  his  cause. 

These  qualities  and  attributes  might  haxa-  formed 
the  basis  In  another  age  and  under  other  conditi  n.^  of 
a  great  and  magnanimous  career.  Wdio  does  not  kn(n\ 
however,  w  ith  what  dross  the  pure  metal  was  alloyed  '^ 
With  tyranny,  with  irresolution,  with  fraud  ;  with  a  fatal 
tend(mcy  to  make  any  and  e\-ery  promise  which  the 
exigencies  of  the  hour  suggested,  and  to  rei^udiate 
them  as  shamefullv,  as  he  had  made  them  rashlv  the 
moment  pressure  was  withdravvii.  \^acillating,  weak, 
and  distrustful  of  himself,  Charles  was  peculiarly  under 
the  influence  of  those  who  were  about  him,  and  the  man 
who  was  most  unhesitating  in  liis  advice  and  the  most 
confident  In  Insisting  upon  its  adoption,  had  a  prevailing 
though  momentary  inHuence  on  the  wa\'erinir  Councils  of 
the  Crown. 

With  plans  thus  perpetually  shifting  it  was 
impossible  for  his  friends  to  confide  or  for  his  enemies 
to  trust  in  Charles.  The  promises  made  in  good  faith 
one  da)'  were  broken  on  the  next  under  the  influence  of 


1 


i 


IV 


IXTRODUCTIOX. 


some  fresh  adviser.  The  plan  of  an  expedition  was  settled, 
and  almost  ere  the-  march  was  commenced  an  imperative 
command  withdrew  Vi  larL^e  portion  of  the  forces  engaged 
in  it,  thus  reducing  the  reniainder  to  inaction.  A  treaty 
was  negotiated  with  the  l^arliament,  and  when  success 
was  almost  attained  a  letter  under  the  royal  h.md  con- 
victed the  writer  of  prt,-\arication  and  faithh.'sntjss.  Thus 
all  was  uncertaintv  in  the  roxal  counsels,  and  irritation 
i/raduallv  hardeninuT  into  inexorable  v(Mi!j'eanc(^  in  those?  of 
his  opponiMits.  If  we  tail  \o  see  great  faults  on  either  side 
we  wilfullv  blind  ourselves  to  the  truth  ;  if  we  fail  to  dis- 
cern  great  \'irtues  we  ignore  as  needlessly  some  of  the 
l)rightest  characters,  and  many  of  the  noblest  deeds  which 
gem  our  storm-tossed  history. 

It  must  never  be  fon-'otten  that,  as  the  stru^'crle 
continued,  the  Actors  in  it  changed.  It  was  not  II  ampden 
and  Falkland  only  who  early  perished.  On  every  side 
the  ranks  of  statesman  and  soldier-patriots  were  thinned 
by  death  or  by  causes  powerful  as  death  itself.  There 
came  a  time  when  the  haughtv  inteLiritv  of  Essex,  the 
chivalry  of  Waller,  "  the  gentle  and  generous  nature"  of 
Manchester  animated  no  longer  the  popular  armies,  when 
the  eloquence  of  Pym  was  silenced  in  the  grave,  and  even 
Fairfax  was  regarded  with  distrust  by  those  whose  armies 
he  had  led  to  victory.  On  the  royal  side  Sir  Bevil  Grevil 
tell  at  Lansdown,  and  thus  was  lost  the  inspiration  of  his 
courage,  and  the  spell  of  his  bright  example  :  Northampton 
died  a  hero's  death  on  Hopton  Heath,  and  Derby  perished 
on  the  scaffold. 

Gradually  from  the  gloom  of  the  future  figure  after 
figure  emerged  of  men  once  obscure  but  destined  now  to 
fulfil  great  purposes  ;  the  gloss  on  the  sword  of  Rebellion 


\ 


I 


k 


»/ 


i 


iXTKODUCriOX.  V 

had  worn  off  but  the  weapon  retained  its  temper,  and 
was  wielded  with  unsparing  severity  and  skill.  A  narrow 
fanaticism  trampled  down  all  trace  of  chivalrous  courtesy, 
and  rested  not  till  it  had  crushed  the  cavaliers,  and  handed 
over  power  to  a  sectarian  army  and  its  bigotted  l)ut 
able  chir^f. 

F^oremost  among  the  Cavaliers — conspicuous  by 
birth,  by  dauntless  courage,  which  neither  jjolicy  nor 
prudence  ever  checked  ;  l)y  stern  resolution,  which 
never  wavered  before  difficulties  ;  by  a  knowledge  of 
the  incidents  of  war,  the  marshalling  of  armies,  and  the 
life  of  camps  such  as  had  in  those  da\s  never  becMi 
learned  in  England — Rupert  of  the  Rhine  stands  con- 
spicuous and  alone. 

He  was  cradled  in  misfortune  and  nursed  in  strife. 
His  father,  Frederick,  Prince  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  was 
the  unequal  descendant  of  a  long  line  of  illustrious 
ancestors.  Heir  to  a  great  position,  he  might  have  been 
the  champion  and  avenger  of  the  Protestant  cause,  for 
the  opportunity  was  his  if  he  had  had  the  courage  to 
grasp  and  the  steadfast  firmness  to  hold  it.  llut  lie  was 
a  pedant,  a  waverer,  and  a  bigot.  A  brief  term  of 
success  sufficed  to  demonstrate  his  incapacity  for  rul'^ 
and  many  years  of  adversity  failed  to  wring  from  his  di:]l 
phlegmatic  temperament  any  sentiment  more  nol)]e  tl^.in 
a  cold  unenterprising  patience. 

This  man  was  wedded  to  one  of  the  be.si  and 
noblest  women  of  her  age.  The  Princess  inizabeth, 
daughter  of  James  I.,  had  every  attribute  which  c:ui 
make  a  woman  beloved  and  reverenced.  She  h:id 
beauty  such   as  few   could   boast,  she  had  courage    none 


VI 


IXTROMTTrox 


could  siir[jciss  ;  she  had  the  pride  which  well  becomes 
hiirh  birtli  and  noble  nature,  when  thc\'  iwc  struoTrJino- 
with  ad\'ers[ty  ;  and  she  had  a  winning-  and  i^^racious 
courtes\',  which  attracted  to  her  the  chi\'alr\-  of  En<>'land, 
and  earned  her  the  lasting-  support  of  the  Merchant 
Princes  of  Holland.  She  was  popularly  known  as  the 
'' Oueen  of  Hearts,"  and  the  nauKj  was  wcil  bestowed, 
for.  when  her  fortunes  were  at  thc!  lowest,  she  reccnx'ed 
truer  and  more  disinterested  homage  than  crowned 
Prince  or  victorious  conqueror  ever  won  from  hercditar)' 
subjects  or  vanquished  foes. 

The  people  of  Thi^land  had  fouL;"ht  and  pra\'cd 
for  her  success.  She  was  sprung  from  their  Royal  house; 
she  was  fujluinL--  the  battle  of  their  faith  ;  she  had  beaut\\ 
courage,  and  long  descent  ;  cUid  they  rendered  her  the 
homage  which,  under  such  circumstances^  is  ever  won 
by  unfaltering  devotion  to  a  noble  cause.  Tlie  national 
sympathy,  however,  outrcUi  the  s)-mpath\  of  the  Crown  ; 
the  father  and  brother  of  hdi/alx-th  looked  coldlv  on, 
and  gave  her  husband  much  ad\ice  but  little  aid  ;  until 
at  length,  rett  of  his  dominions,  a  fugitive  and  a  sup- 
plicant, he  committed  his  cause  to  tlie  champion  of  his 
faith,  Gusta\us  of  Sweden.  'J1ie  great  Swede  had, 
however,  many  objects  to  strive  for,  and  many  prizes  to 
win.  The  restoration  of  the  inefficient  b^rederick  to  his 
Electorate  could  have  filled  only  a  small  space  in  the 
dreams  of  his  far-reaching  ambition  ;  and  l-"rederick  clun^'* 
to  the  robes  of  his  patron  a  courtier  and  a  'pensionary 
till  death  terminated  his  weak  and  contemi)tible  career. 

Rupert  was  the  third  son  of  this  ill-fated  marriasj"e» 
and  from  his  earliest  youth  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
the  clang  of  arms,  the  march  of  armies,  the  perils  of  the 


INTRODUCTION". 


VII 


i, 


tight,  and  ex'en  the  solitude  of  a  dungeon  ;  but  the  school 
of  arms  in  which  he  had  been  reared  was  an  ill  education 
for  a  leader  in  English  war. 

Sorrowfully,  with  doubt  and  hesitation,  did  the 
Nobles  and  Gentlemen  of  England  draw  the  sword  :  they 
W("re  to  struggle  against  kindred  and  friends  ;  agru'nst 
men  who  had  mingled  in  the  saaKj  |)ursuits,  and  ])een 
animated  by  tlie  same  (Mids  as  themselves,  and,  wliich- 
ever  side  w;is  victorious,  the  strife  involved  much  present 
suffering  and  future  uncertaintw  For  what  were  these 
risks  (MTcountenxl  ^  On  tlir  one  part  for  a  Kin''- 
whom  no  one  trusted,  and  on  the  other  for  a  l^u'h'ament 
which  had  become  the  mouthpiece  of  faction  [\n<]  the  tool 
of  unscrupulous  and  desi''-ninL!"  men. 

Idle  letter,  often  quoted,  of  Sir  William  \\\a]ka-  to 
Sir  Ralph,  afterwards  Eord  Hopton.  expresses  in  noble 
language  the  feeling  which  prevailed  at  this  moment  : — 
"  My  affections  to  you  are  so  unchangeal)k.\  that 
hostility  itself  cannot  violate  my  friendship  to  \oi:r 
person  ,  but  I  must  be  true  to  the  cause  wherein  I  serv(\ 
The  great  God,  who  is  the  searcher  of  my  heart,  knows 
with  what  reluctance  I  go  upon  this  service,  and  with 
what  perfect  hatred  I  look  upon  a  war  without  an  eneiuy. 
The  God  of  peace  In  his  good  time  send  us  })eace.  iiud 
in  the  meantime  fit  us  to  receive  It !  We  are  boili  on 
the  stage,  and  we  must  act  the  parts  that  are  assigned 
to  us  in  this  tragedv.  Eet  us  do  It  in  a  wav  of  honour, 
and  without  personal  animosities." 

The  conditions  under  which  Rupert  mingled  in 
the  struggle  were  widely  different.  His  only  :iim  was 
the  preservation  of    his  uncle's  throne.     He   risked  no 


■--..  ■> 


V'lll 


INTkOl'l"'']  ION. 


^reat  possession;  he  perilled  no  \ast  heritage  upon  the 
Tssue.  An  exile  from  his  own  land,  he  was  little  better 
than  an  adventurer  here  ;  and  while  he  was  prepared 
to  devote  himself  with  ener-y  and  courage  to  the  Royal 
cause,  his  training  and  antecedents  rendered  the  war  he 
wacred  sanu'uinarv,  wasteful,  and  licentious. 

It  was  unfortuate  for  Rupert  that  he  was  too  early 
trusted  with  great  command.  Although  he  was  used  to 
war,  he  had  not  the  experience  ret^uisite  to  enable  hmi  to 
conduct  an  arduous  campaign  to  a  victorious  close. 
A  brilliant  partizan  leader,  invaluable  in  a  foray 
or  an  assault,  he  would  have  admirably  accomplished  the 
boldest  designs  of  a  skilful  header  :  but  his  was  the  hand 
to  execute  and  not  the  head  to  phui.  In  time,  perhaps, 
his  youthful  impetuosity  and  reckless  daring  might  have 
toned  down,  and  he  might  ha\c  develojx-d  the  qualities  of 
a  great  and  successful  general  ;  but,  ere  these  qualities 
had  time  to  ripen,  the  cause-  he  struggled  (ov  was  lost, 
nionarchy  was  swept  away,  diid  CharU-s  had  perished  on 
the  scaffold. 

Rupert  was  not  2;^  years  old  when  the  King's 
Standard  was  set  up  at  Nottingham  in  August,  1642,  and 
he  came  then,  at  the  instance  of  the  Queen,  to  take  the 
great  position  of  "General  of  the  Horse."  He  came, 
thus  voun<'-.  tO(ommand  men  who  had  seen  long  service, 
and  a  stranger  to  England,  to  take  a  leading  pcUt  in  her 
civil  strife.  It  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  his  energy, 
decision,  and  daring;  soon  gave  him  strong  hold  on  the 
wavering  King.  Rupert,  ever  at  hand,  trained  in  arms, 
always  prompt  in  council  and  impetuous  in  the  field, 
-was  precisely  the   man   to  guide   Charles.     Then,  too,  it 


INTRODUCTION. 


IX 


J' 

1 


was  not  unnatural  that  the  dazzling  qualities  of  the  Prince 
should  win  the  admiration  and  reofard  of  the  vouno-er 
Cavaliers,  and,  though  Statesmen  might  deprecate  his 
policy,  and  old  soldiers  condemn  his  tactics,  he  soon 
had  a  following  of  his  own— a  following  which  comprised 
among  it  some  who  were  dissolute,  many  who  were  reck- 
less, but  whose  every  member  was  animated  by  the 
courage,  and  inspired  by  the  example  of  their  leader. 

The  first  of  the  letters  from  the  King  to  Prince 
Rupert,  which  is  among  those  now^  for  the  first  time 
printed  is  the  letter  dated  from  Oxford,  3rd  Feb.  1643 
(according  to  the  old  style,  1642). 

Two  days  previously  the  King  had  written  a  letter 
to  the  Prince  stating  that  at  Cirencester  and  other  places 
"great  quantities  of  cloth  canvass  and  buckram  are  to  be 
had  for  supplying  the  great  necessities  our  soldiers  have 
of  suits,"  and  directing  him  to  possess  himself  of  what 
.supplies  of  this  character  the  army  needed,  keeping  an 
account  of  them  and  giving  a  ticket  to  the  owners,  who 
were  subsequently  to  ''receive  such  securities  for  their 
commodities  as  they  shall  have  no  cause  to  except 
against." 

Meanwhile  arrangements  had  been  made  by  Lord 
Hertford  and  Prince  Rupert  for  an  assault  upon 
Cirencester,  It  was  made  on  the  2nd  of  February,  and  after 
a  brief  resistance,  was  successful.  The  victory  was 
stained  by  bloodshed  and  outrage,  and  Clarendon  admits 
that  the  town  *'  yielded  much  plimder,  from  which  the 
undlstinguishing  soldiers  could  not  be  kept,  but  was 
equally  Injurious  to  friend  and  foe  ;  so  that  many  honest 
men,  who  were  imprisoned  by  the   rebels  for  not  concur- 


* 


INTRODUCTION. 


IXTRODUCTIOX. 


XI 


•)r 


t; 
tj 

it 

H 
if 


ring  with  them,  found  themselves  undone  together.""*^ 

Whitelock,  in  his  Memorials  t  says,  ''  A  few  days 
afterwards,  Prince  Rupert,  with  4,000  horse  and  foot, 
marched  by  Sudeley  Castle  to  Cirencester  :  where  the 
magazine  of  the  County  lay  ;  this  he  took,  putting  the 
Earl  of  Stamford's  regiment,  and  many  others,  to  the 
sword;  took  1,100  prisoners,  and  3,000  arms." 

"  These  prisoners  were  led  in  much  triumph 
to  Oxford,  where  the  King  and  Lords  looked  on  them, 
and  too  many  smiled  at  their  misery,  beincf  tied  with 
cords,  almost  naked,  beaten  and  driven  alono;  like  does." 

This  achievement  was  of  great  importance  to  the 
Royal  forces ,  for  it  gave  them  not  only  the  prestige  of 
victory,  and  the  advantage  of  securing  the  stores  they 
required,  but  it  also  opened  up  an  uninterrupted 
communication  with  Worcester  and  South  Wales, 
a  district  from  which,  by  the  aid  of  Lord  Glamorgan  and 
his  father,  they  confidently  reckoned  on  most  important 
aid. 

The  letter  dated,  Oxford  4th  November,  1643, 
speaks  of  a  proposition  concerning  Lancashire  which  the 
King  submits  to  the  consideration  of  the  Prince.  This 
proposition  was  apparently  commented  on  and  replied 
to  on  the  following  day,  for  a  letter  is  inserted  in 
Warburton's  Work  under  the  date  6th  November, 
from  Mr.  Secretary  Nicholas  to  the  Prince  J,  in  which 
he  replies  to  ''animadversions  "  the  latter  had  made  with 
regard  to  the  proposed  military  arrangements,  and  closes 
with  the    following  passage  : — ''  Therefore  His   Majesty 


*  Clarendon,  Vol.  3,  p.  417,  edit.  1826. 

t  p.  167,  edit.  1732. 

X  Rupert  c^  the  Cavaliers  p.  327,  vol,  2. 


' 


^ 


desireb  you  to  send  my  Lord  Byron  presently  to  him, 
if  your  Highness  can  possibly  spare  him,  that  this  great 
design  may  be  presently  adjusted,  for  his  i\Lajesty  thinks 
it  of  that  weight,  that  without  it  not  only  these  countries 
will  be  in  hazard  to  be  irrevocably  lost,  but  likewise  my 
Lord  of  Newcastle's  army  will  be  put  into  very  great  straits 
as  also  the  Scots  are  likely  to  come  in  with  very  great 
disadvantage  to  the  King's  service,  if  this  design  be 
not  effectually  prevented." 

No  doubt  the  proposition  was,  in  effect,  the  plan 
subsequently  adopted — in  the  first  place  with  complete 
success,  but  which  finally  closed  in  defeat  and  ruin — the 
march  to  the  North,  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  the 
gallant  Countess  of  Derby,  then  hard  beset  in  Latham 
House,  and  subsequently  the  attack  on  the  Parlia- 
mentary forces  under  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  and  the 
reinforcement  of  the  Royal  army,  which,  under  the 
command  of  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle^  was  holding 
York  for  the  Crown. 

On  the  1 2th  November,  Charles  again  writes  to 
the  Prince,  submitting  to  his  judgment  the  expediency 
of  holding  Tossiter  (Towcester),  and  assuring  him  the 
report  that  he  was  treating  for  peace  was  a  ''  damnable 
ley." 

Towcester  was  at  that  time  of  considerable  im- 
portance, and  it  does  not  appear  that  the  suggestion  of 
the  King  was  acted  upon,  for,  a  fortnight  later.  Sir 
Arthur  Aston  reports  that  he  is  still  fortifying  the  place 
and  preparing  provisions  according  to  the  Prince's  order. 
The  town  was  at  this  moment  threatened  by  the  Earl  of 
Essex,  on  behalf  of  the  Parliament,  who  had  formed  a 
depot  at  Aylesbury. 


xn 


X'l  ROlJrcTIOX 


INTRODUCTICK 


XI 11 


With  reL{ard  to  the  rumoured  ne<^otI;ition  which 
the  Kinc{  so  enero^eticcdlv  denied.  Whitelocke  makes  the 
following  remark  :  ''  A  paper  was  communicated  to  both 
Houses,  which  was  sent  from  the  Prince  Idarecourt  to 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  by  way  of  i^^eneral  pro- 
posals, for  an  accommodation  between  the  King  and 
Parliament,  and  that  in  the  name  of  the  French  King, 
whose  Ambassador  he  was." 

Clarendon  *  states  that  the  Count  of  Harecourt 
was  sent  as  an  Ambassador  Extraordinary  from  P" ranee, 
W'ith  a  view  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the  King 
and  Parliament,  and  that,  the  death  of  Richelieu,  and  the 
supremacy  of  the  Queen- Mother  and  Cardinal  Mazarin, 
led  Charles  to  expect  "  notable  effect  from  this  embassy." 
It,  however,  came  to  nothing. 

The  letters  of  the  12th  and  15th  of  March,  1643 
were  written  at  a  critical  moment.  The  Irish  Regiment 
of  Royalists  had  been  destroyed  ;  the  Scottish  army  had 
crossed  the  border  and  held  Sunderland  :  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  had  defeated  Colonel  Bellasis  at  Selby  ;  Lord 
Derby  could  no  longer  *'  keep  Lancashire  in  reasonable 
subjection,"  and  the  great  stronghold  of  Newark, 
threatened  by  Sir  John  Meldrum,  entreated  aid  from  the 
K 


mg:. 


The  importance  of  this  town  was  evident.  If 
Newark  fell,  the  communication  between  Oxford  and 
York  w^ould  be  severed,  and  all  the  plans  of  the  King 
deranged.  In  the  meanwhile,  everything  was  wanting, 
— arms,  ammunition,  money,  and  men,  so  Rupert  was 
despatched  into  Shropshire  with  directions  to  levy  what 

•  Vol.  4,  p.  325.  329' 


i 


forces  he   could   there,    and  in   Chester,    and   thence   to 
march  to  the  relief  of  Newark. 

This  was  a  hazardous  enterprise  ;  but  in  the  loyal 
Counties  of  the  West  men  flocked  to  the  banner  of  the 
Prince,  and,  before  the  enemy  had  the  faintest  idea  that 
he  had  collected  any  considerable  force,  he  was  on 
his  march  to  encounter  them.  Clarendon  states  ^  that, 
though  the  enemy  had  excellent  intelligence,  the  Prince 
''  was  within  six  miles  of  them  before  they  believed  he 
thought  of  them  ;  and  charging  and  routing  some  of 
their  horse,  pursued  them  with  that  expedition  that  he 
besieged  them  in  their  own  entrenchments  with  his  horse, 
before  his  foot  came  within  four  miles.  In  the  consterna- 
tion, they  concluding  he  must  have  a  vast  power  and 
strength  to  bring  them  into  these  straits,  he  with  a  num- 
ber inferior  to  the  enemy,  and  utterly  unaccommodated  for 
an  action  of  time,  brought  them  to  accept  of  leave  to 
depart,  that  is,  to  disband  without  their  arms  or  any 
carriage  or  baggage.  Thus  he  relieved  Newark,  and 
took  about  4,000  arms,  1 1  pieces  of  brass  cannon,  two 
mortar  pieces,  and  above  50  barrels  of  powder,  which  was 
as  unexpected  a  victory  as  any  happened  throughout  the 
war." 

With  regard  to  the  ^400,  in  a  letter  from  Arthur 
Trevor  to  the  Prince,  dated  Oxford,  24th  March,  1644, 
there  is  the  following  observation  :  ''  Your  ;^400  I  am  at 
last  raised  to  a  hope  of  obtaining  for  you  ;  and  when  I 
have  it  I  shall  keep  the  same  entire  until  you  please  to 
renew  your  orders  upon  me,  not  knowing  what  directions 
have  been  given  by  your  Highness  since  your  first 
desiring  of  that  money."t 


*  Vol.  4,  ]).  444, 

t  Warbunon  Vol.  2,  p.  387. 


?  i 


XIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XV 


After  the  victory  at  Newark  Rupert  returned  to 
Shrewsbury   to  prepare    for    his    Northern    March.     It 
seemed,  indeed,  that  in  the  North  was  this  great  contest 
to  be  decided — Lancashire  was  to  be  re-won,   Latham 
House  to  be  relieved,  and  a  junction   formed   with  the 
Marquis  of   Newcastle,    whose    forces   were   threatened 
with  the  combined  efforts  of  three  distinct  armies.     Mean- 
while   all    was    uncertainty    and   irresolution  at  Oxford. 
Charles  shewed  physical  courage  when  retreat  was  im- 
possible and  retractation  useless  ;  but  when   he  had  in 
diflBcult  circumstances   to   consider   and    decide  he  was 
always  vacillating,  weak,   and  spiritless.     He  must  have 
known  that  Rupert  required  every  man  he  could  gather 
to   his    banner   when    he    marched    into    the    Northern 
Counties,     yet    he    wrote     the    following   letters    to    his 
Nephew,  arresting  his  progress  and  crippling  his  power. 

On  the  17th  of  April  (the  day  on  which  the  Queen 
left  him  for  Exeter)  he  urges  the  Prince  to  advance  into 
the  West  Riding,  and  hinder  the  rebels  from  advancing 
northwards,  and  especially  from  falling  on  Newcastle's 
rear.  By  another  letter,  assumed  to  be  of  about  the  same 
date,  he  requires  Rupert  to  send  2,000  men  to  Evesham 
and  march  with  the  remainder  of  his  army  wherever 
he  pleases.  On  the  20th  Charles  states  that,  without 
the  assistance  he  asks  of  the  Prince,  he  must  relinquish 
those  parts  of  the  West  where  Rupert  must  remember  his 
Wife  has  gone.  On  the  2  ist  in  addition  to  the  letter  con- 
tained in  this  correspondence,  he  authorises  Prince  Rupert 
to  press  levies  for  2,000  men  to  supply  those  now  sent  to  his 
Majesty  at  Evesham.  On  the  22nd  he  recommends  to 
Prince  Rupert  the  relief  of  Lord  Newcastle,  and  on  the 
23rd  he  confides  the  County  of  Gloucester  to  his  care. 
On  the  24th  the  King  addresses  Rupert  in  a  letter  which 


^' 


forms  a  part  of  this  correspondence,  and  in  it  he  again 
insists  on  a  supply  of  2,000  men.  Apparently  this 
reiterated  command  brought  Rupert  to  Oxford  ;  for  we 
find  him  there  on  the  following  day,  attending  a  Council 
of  War,  breathing  his  own  brave  spirit  into  its  uncertain 
debates,  proving  to  the  King  that  he  needed  no  more 
troops  in  Oxford  and  the  West,  and  completing  his 
arrangemenis  for  his  expedition  to  the  North. 

Lord  Grandison,  whose  letter  to  Prince  Rupert 
immediately  follows  those  of  the  King,  was  William 
Villiers,  Viscount  Grandison,  son  of  Sir  Edward  Villiers, 
President  of  Munster,  and  Nephew  of  George  \'illiers,  first 
Duke  of  Buckingham. 

On  the  loth  August.  1642,  twelve  days  before  the 
Royal  Standard  was  erected  at  Nottingham,  Lords 
Carnarvon  and  Grandison  received  Commissions  from 
the  Kine  to  raise  re^^iments  of  horse  for  the  service  of 
the  Crown.  Lord  Lindsay  had  previously  been  made 
Lieutenant  General  of  the  Army,  and  Sir  Jacob  Asteley 
Serjeant  Major  General. 

It  w^as  a  time  of  anxietv  and  forebodino*.  Gathered 
round  the  person  of  their  Sovereign  were  some  of  his 
wisest  Councillors  and  some  of  his  ablest  Captains,  but 
their  was  no  unanimity  in  their  advice,  and  no  enthusiasm 
for  their  cause.  They  strove  as  best  they  might  to  bear 
the  semblance  of  a  Court,  but  the  ^loomv  walls  of  a 
dismantled  castle  chilled  their  hopes,  and  frowned  into 
failure  every  effort  at  the  maintenance  ot  ill  timed  state. 
A  chapter  of  the  Garter  was  held  and  the  name  of  Rupert 
was  blazoned  on  its  knightly  roll,  but  the  formalities  were 
irregular,  the  ceremonial  was  shorn  of  its  customary  splen- 


m 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION'. 


dour,  and  twenty  years  elapsed  ere  the  proceedino^s  of 
that  day  were  amended  and  confirmed. 

The  King's  standard  was  erected,  but  neither  regal 
magnificence,  nor  heraldic  pomp  adorned  that  boding 
pageant — a  few  drums  beat,  a  few  trumpets  sent  forth 
their  melancholy  wail,  and  then  to  a  scanty  band  of 
Gentlemen,  and  to  an  armed  force  of  less  than  a  thousand 
men,  the  Royal  Proclamation  was  read,  and  the  King- 
submitted  his  cause,  his  crown,  and  his  life  to  the 
stern  arbitrament  of  war. 

''Melancholy  men,"  says  Clarendon,  '^observed 
many  ill  presages  about  that  time."  The  Royal  cause 
indeed  seemed  hopeless  ere  the  struggle  was  begun. 
The  Kine  had  failed  to  seize  on  Hull  ;  he  had  been 
ignominiously  set  at  nought  before  the  walls  of  Coventry  ; 
and  now  almost  ere  the  strain  of  his  trumpet  had  died 
away  upon  the  air,  came  tidings  that  Portsmouth  was 
delivered  over  to  the  Parliament  by  Goring,  in  whom 
he  had  fatally  reposed  his  trust. 

It  was  not,  however,  the  danger  of  his  cause  that 
damped  the  spirits  of  the  Noblemen  and  Gentry  around 
him — some  of  these  might  say  with  Sir  Edward  Verney, 
the  bearer  of  that  ill  omened  standard,  "  For  my  part  I 
do  not  like  the  quarrel,  and  do  heartily  wish  the  King 
would  yield  and  consent  to  what  they  desire  ;  so  that  my 
conscience  is  only  concerned  in  honour  and  in  gratitude 
to  follow  my  master.  I  have  eaten  his  bread,  and  served 
him  thirty  years,  and  will  not  do  so  base  a  thing  as  to  for- 
sake him,  and  choose  rather  to  lose  my  life  (which  I  am 
sure  I  shall  do)  to  preserve  and  defend  those  things, 
which  are  against  my  conscience  to  preserve  and  defend." 


i.MROi'LX  iiON. 


A\il 


W'ritiUL!'  from  Shrewshurv,  on  21st  SeiJl.  fc^llowin'^,  the 
l^arl  of  Sunderland  thus  expresses  himself  in  a  letter  to 
his  wife,  '*  liow  mucli  1  am  unsatisfied  with  the  proceed- 
ings here.  I  have  at  large  expressed  in  several  letters  ; 
neither  is  there  wantinu*  dailv  handsome  occasion  to 
retire,  were  it  not  for  L>-ainino-  honour;  for  let  occasion  be 
never  so  handsome  (unless  a  man  were  resolved  to  fight 
on  tlie  Parliament  side,  which  for  my  part  I  had  rather 
be  hanged)  it  will  be  said,  without  doubt,  that  a  man  is 
afraid  to  fight.  If  there  could  bean  expedient  found  to 
salve  the  punctilio  of  honour.  I  would  not  continue  here 
an  hour.  The  discontent  that  I  and  other  honest  men 
receive  daily,  is  beyond  expression." 

Not  among  the  Cavaliers  alone  was  the  approach 
of  civil  war  reciarded  with  reluctance  and  dismav.  On  a 
motion  in  Parliament  in  July,  1642.  Whitelock.  the 
historian,  thus  spoke — 

'•  I  look  upon  another  beginning  oi'  our  civil  war, 
God  blessed  us  with  a  long  and  llourishing  peace,  and  we 
turned  his  o-race  into  wantoness,  and  ijeace  would  not 
satisfv  us  without  luxurv,  nor  our  ])lentv  without  de- 
baucherv  :  instead  of  sobrietv  and  thankfulness  for  our 
mercies,  we  provoked  the  criver  of  them  l)y  our  sins  and 
l\-ickedness  to  punish  us  (as  we  may  fear)  by  a  civil  WcU', 
to  make  us  executioners  of  divine  vengeance  upon  our- 
selves." 


"It  is  s^^ranire  to  note  how  we  have  insensibly 
slid  into  the  beoinninir  of  a  civil  war.  bv  one  unexpected 
accident  after  another,  as  waves  of  the  sea,  which  have 
brouo-ht  us  thus  far  ;  and  we  scarce  know  how,  but  from 
paper  combats,    by  declarations,   remonstrances,  protcsta- 


XVlll 


i  \    ;    i .  U  i  '  i.    *    ■  1   i  t  J  >^ 


tlons,  vottjS,  niusSci^ges,  an^>u(M"^,  cind  rtqilir.-^  :  wi:  circ  now 
come  to  the  question  of  niisIiiL^'  lorce.^,  cinJ  luuning  a 
General,  and  officers  of  an  army. 

''We  must  surrender  up  our  laws,  liberties,  pro- 
perties, and  lives  into  the  hands  of  insolent  Mercenarie.-:), 
whose  raL^e  and  violence  will  command  us.  and  all  we 
have,  and  reason,  honour,  and  justice  will  le<ive  our  land  ; 
the  isrnoble  will  rule  the  noble,  and  baseness  will  be 
preferred  before  virtue,  profaneness  betore  piety.  ' 

"  Of  a  p)otent  people  we  shcdl  m  ike  ourselves 
weak,  and  be  the  instruments  of  our  owr.  ruin,  pcrditio 
tica  cxtc,  will  be  said  to  us  :  we  shall  burn  our  own 
houses,  lay  waste  our  own  fields,  pillaL;;e  our  own  i^^oods^ 
open  our  own  veins,  and  eat  out  our  own  bowels." 

"'  You  will  hear  other  sounds,  besides  those  of 
drums  and  trumpets,  the  clattering-  of  armour,  the  roarin<^' 
of  guns,  the  groans  of  wounded  and  dying  men.  the  shrieks 
of  dishonoured  women,  the  cries  o\  widows  and  orphans, 
and  all  on  vour  account  which  makes  it  the  more  to  be 
lamented." 

"Pardon,  Sir^  the  remark  of  my  expression  on  this 
argument,  it  is  to  prevent  a  llame  which  I  see  kindled 
in  the  midst  of  us  that  may  consume  us  to  ashes.  The 
sum  of  the  progress  of  civil  war  is  the  rage  of  fire  and 
sword,  and  (which  is  worse^  of  brutish  men." 

There  is  more  in  the  same  strain  irom  men  wdio 
took  prominent  positions  on  either  side  ;  but  the  time 
for  retlection.  tor  expostukuion.  and  for  argument  had 
passed,  the  hour  of  action  had  arrived,  and  Cavalier  and 
Roundhead  alike  discarded  all  (Qualms  as  to  the  abstract 


TXTROPrrTION. 


XIX 


iustlce     of   their    cause,   when    enQ;ao-ed    in    struee'le  for 
victorv  and  fame. 

Soon  after  the  raising  of  his  standard,  Charles  left 
Nottinorham  and  marched  for  Shrewsburv.  He  halted 
at  Wellington,  to  enable  his  forces  to  assemble,  and  thc-re, 
beneath  the  shadow  of  the  Wrela'n,  addressed  them  as  a 
soldier  and  their  King.  ''  I  cannot,"  he  said,  '*  suspect  your 
courao;e  and  vour  resolution  ;  vour  conscience  and  vour 
lovaltv  ha\'(?  brou^'ht  vou  hither,  to  fiL-'lu  for  vour  reliirion, 
your  King,  and  the  laws  of  the  land  '"  '''  "  that  you 
may  see  what  use  1  mean  to  make  of  your  valour,  if  it 
please  God  to  bless  it  with  success,  I  liave  thought  fit 
to  publish  my  resolution  to  you  in  a  protestation  ;  wdiich 
when  vou  have  heard  me  make,  vou  will  believe  vou 
cannot  fight  in  a  better  quarrcd  ;  in  which  I  promise  to 
live  and  die  with  vou." 

And  then,  in  that  stately  language  of  which  he 
was  so  great  a  master,  he  vow(xi  to  defend  the  Established 
Church,  to  govern  by  the  laws,  and  protect  the  liberty  of 
his  subjects.  He  pledged  himself,  if  it  pleased  God 
to  '''preserve  him  from  the  rebellion,  to  maintain  the 
privileges  and  freedom  of  Parliament  and  govern  accord- 
ing to  law/'  and  he  solemnly  added,  "  In  the  mean  while, 
if  this  time  of  war.  and  the  great  necessity  and  straits  I 
am  now  drivcai  to.  beget  any  \iolation  of  those,  I  hope 
it  will  be  imjuited  by  God  and  man  to  the  authors  of  this 
war,  and  not  to  me  ;  v.'ho  ha\'e  so  earnc^stlv  lal)oiired  for 
the  preserwation  of  the  peace  of  this  kingdom.  Wdien 
I  willingly  iail  in  these  particulars.  I  will  expect  no  aid 
or  relief  from  any  man,  orprot(xtion  fron^i  Heaven.  But 
in  this  resolution  I  hopc^  for  the  cheerful  assistance  of  all 
oood  men,  and  am  confident  of  God's  blessim^;." 


XX 


XTK^'hU'/TIOX 


The:  posses-ion  of  Shrewsbury  was  of  c^^reat 
moment  to  the  Kinq;.  Almost  surrounded  by  tlu"  Severn 
which  protected  it  on  every  side  but  one.  it  was  an  mi- 
pregnable  position  so  loni,^  as  it  was  defended  with 
resolution  and  skill.  Occupied  by  an  ad(?quat(!  force, 
it  commanded  a  great  reach  of  country,  and  formed  one 
of  the  fortresses  by  which  the  line  of  th(^  Severn  was 
most  easilv  euarded.  It  was  amono:  th(^  most  important 
in  a  series  of  cities  which  in  former  times  had  l)een  re- 
garded as  barriers  against  the  Wel^h.  and  which  in  the 
davs  of  which  we  are  writin*:;:  not  onlv  l)locked  the  gates 
of  warlike  Wales  against  th(^  enemy,  but  formed  provincial 
capitals  which  were  centres  of  government,  of  influence, 
and  oi  thouo-ht.  Originallv  the  King,  uncertain  of  the 
feelinors  of  the  inhabitants,  hesitated  whether  to  occupy 
that  town  or  Chester,  but  on  reaching  Derby  he  had 
received  such  information  as  led  him  to  select  the  former, 
and  he  never  had  reason  to  regret  his  decision.  "  A  more 
general  and  passionate  expression  of  affection  cannot  be 
imagined,  than  he  received  tVom  the!  people  ot  those 
counties  of  Derby,  Stafford,  and  Shropshire  as  he  passed  ; 
or  a  better  reception  than  he  found  at  Shrewsbury  ;  into 
which  town  he  entered  on  Tuesday,  the  20th  of  Septem- 
ber." 

Shortly  after  the  Kim^'s  arrival,  Lord  Grandison 
was  sent  to  the  little  town  of  Xantwich,  in  Cheshire, 
which  the  inhabitants  had  be^-un  to  fortit\',  and  where 
the  disaffected  were  drawing  to  a  head.  He  acquitted 
himself  with  dexterity  and  skill,  entering  the  town,  taking 
the  oaths  of  the  inhabitants  for  their  futures  obedience, 
destroying  the  half  formed  fortifications,  and  conveying 
all  the  arms  and  ammunition  he  could  discover  to 
Shrewsburs'. 


intrlm'll  i;'"'X. 


XXI 


A  few  davs  after  the  capture  o{  Marlborough. 
Lord  Grandison,  with  his  regimen^,  was  taken  prisoner,  but 
shortly  afterwards  escaped  to  Oxford  where  the  King 
then  was  resident,  and  resumed  his  place  in  the  held. 

At  the  assault  on  Bristol,  in  July,  1643,  Lord 
Grandison.  as  Colonel  General  of  thc^  Foot,  led  the 
division  of  Prince  Rupert  in  their  attempt  to  storm  the 
town.  The  attack  was  unsuccessful  and  Lord  Grandison 
was  slain.  Clarendon  writing  of  him  says.  "  He  was  a 
young  man  of  so  virtuous  a  habit  of  mind,  that  no 
temptation  or  provocation  could  corru[)t  him  ;  so  great 
a  lover  of  justice  and  integrity,  that  no  example,  necessity, 
or  even  the  barbaritv  of  this  war,  could  make  him  swerve 
from  the  most  precise-  rules  of  it  :  and  of  that  rare  jiiety 
and  devotion,  that  the  court  or  camp  could  not  shew  .i 
more  faultless  person,  or  to  whosi^  example  )()ung  mei^ 
might  more  reasonably  confirm.  ' 

The  letter  [Xo.  12]  of  Lord  l)erl)y  was  |)robably 
written  during  the  march  ef  Princ(^  Ru])(M-t  to  the  relief 
of  \\^rk. 

When  the  civil  war  broke  out  the  Stank^-  in- 
fluence was  regarded  as  all  i)revailing  in  Lancashire^  and 
the  adjacent  districts.  Lord  Derby  armed  threes  regi- 
ments of  foot  and  three  of  horse  for  the  King,  and  in 
every  action  proved  himself  to  be  a  gallant  gentleman  as 
well  as  a  loyal  subject.  FLs  strength  had,  however, 
been  miscalculated;  he  did  not  conmiand  th^  love  of 
his  inferiors  ;  he  should  have  possessed  the  influence  which 
rrreat  estates  and  long  d(^scent  vneld,  when  their  owner  is  a 
man  of  honoured  character  and  settled  purpose,  yet  in  Jiis 
hands  thev  served  to  make  him  an  embarassing  supplicant 
rath(?r  than  an  t^fhcient   supporter  of  the    Crown.       His 


XXI I 


TXTROPrCTIOX 


iXTRUDLe  i'lOX 


XXlll 


letters  for  the  most  part  are  appeals  for  aid — he  points 
out  how  much  can  be  effected  by  others,  he  asks  for 
arms,  and  he  insists  on  the  importance  of  the  Kini^s 
retainini^  his  hold  ov^er  Lancashire,  while  he  apparently 
forec'ts  that  it  was  his  own  province  to  master  that  Countv, 
and  vanquish  the  men  who  were  then^  in  arms  for  the 
Parliament  He  seems  to  ha\'e  possessed  no  genius  for 
war.  L  nenterprisinL,^  wanting-  in  sympathy  with  those 
about  him,  without  imagination  or  resource,  his  powc^r 
was  miserably  wasted,  and  his  plans  werct  unitormK' 
aborti\'e. 

In  truth  Lord  Derbv  was  a  o-rc;at  noble  but  not  a 
o-reat  man.  We  turn  to  another  side  of  his  character 
and  find  it  in  everv  wav  worth\-  of  the  race  from  which 
he  spruniz'.  His  lovaltv  ne\'er  wavered,  his  courage  never 
quailed.  He  accompanied  Rupert  when  the  Prince 
raised  the  siege  of  Lathom  house,  and  took  Bolton  by 
assault — in  that  action  Lord  Derbv  was  the  first  man  to 
take  a  colour  from  the  enemv  ;  at  ^Larston  he  three 
times  rallied  his  men  and  led  them  to  th(!  charire.  and 
after  that  defeat  he  took  retuLre  in  the  Isle  of  Man  which 
he  held  for  the  Crown,  and  refused  to  surrender  to  the 
Parliament. 

In  July,  1649,  ^n^ton  made  great  offers  to  Lord 
Derl)y  if  he  would  surrender  the  Island  and  was  answered^ 
in  these  words  : — ''  I  scorn  your  proff(*rs  ,  I  disdain  \our 
favour  ;  I  abhor  your  tr(\ason  ''•  '■•  take  this  for  your 
final  answer,  and  forbear  any  further  solicitations  ;  for, 
if  you  trouble  me  with  any  more  niessages  of  this  nature, 
I  will  burn  the  paper,  and  hang  up  the  messenger." 

The  siege  of  Lathom  Llouse   is  one  of  th<'  most 


•! 


picturesque   incidents   of   the   war.      it   was  a  castellated 
building  of  great  strength,   standing  in  a  spongy  basin, 
and   was  so  much  lower  than  the  surrounding  land  that 
artillery  could  with  difficultv  be  brought  to  l)ear  upon  it. 
It  was  defended  bv  ten  towers  and  surrounded  bv  a  deep 
moat.      Into  this  stroncrhold,   durinsj:   the   absence   of  her 
husband  in  the  Isle  of  l\Ian,  the  Countess  of  Derby  threw 
herself,    with   a   garri>on   of    300  men,  and   a   few    small 
pieces  of  ordnance.     Shortly  after  his  victory  at  Nantwich 
Sir    Thomas   Fairfax   received   peremptory  orders   from 
the  Parliament   to   undertake  the   siege  of   Lathom,  and 
accordingly  on  28th  P^'ebruary,  1644,  he  summoned  Lady 
Derby  to  surrender,   in   a  letter  which  was  courteous  as 
well  as  firm.      She  replied  and  by  many  ingenious  devices 
contrived  to   delay  the   Parliamentary  General,  while  she 
was  completing  her  arrangements   for  the  coming  siege  ; 
\vhen  they    were    sufficiently   formed   she    broke  ofi   all 
neofociations,    declaring-  that    *^  though    a   woman   and   a 
Stranger,  divorced  from  her  friends,  and  robbed  ol    her 
estate,  she  was   ready   to   receive   their  utmost  violence, 
trusting  in  God  for  protection  and  deliverance." 

In  the  meanwhile,  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  was  sum- 
moned to  a  nobler  service  than  besieging  a  lonely  lady 
in  her  Manor  House  ;  his  Cousin,  Sir  William  Fairfax, 
succeeded  in  command,  but  he  too  left  on  24th  ?^Iarch, 
and  thenceforth  the  siege  was  left  in  charge  of  one 
Colonel  Rigbv. 

Colonel  Rigby  was  a  ]^Iember  of  Parliament  for 
Wiiran.  "  He  was  a  lawyer,  and  a  bad  one"  says  a 
contemporary,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  quite  as  un- 
successful as  a  soldier  as  he  had  previously  been  in  the 
law. 


XXIV 


INTI^OI'LC  1  lux. 


IXTRODUCTIOX. 


XX  V 


His  first  act  was  ac^^ain  to  suninion  ihc  Countess 
and  her  reply  shews  her  estimate  of  hini  and  his  courtesy. 
When  she  received  his  letter  she  ton;  it  up  and  exclaimed 
that  the  proper  reward  for  Ri.i^hy  would  be  to  hang  him 
at  her  ^''ate.  ''  Tell  that  insolent  rebel/'  she  continued, 
"he  shall  neither  have  i)erson,  goods,  nor  house  ;  when 
our  strene'th  and  i;rovi>ions  are  spent,  we  shall  hnd  a  hre 
more  merciful  than  Rigb\-  :  and  then,  if  the  providence 
of  God  prevent  it  not,  my  g(jods  and  house  shall  burn  in 
his  si^-ht  ;  and  mvself,  children,  and  soldiers,  rather 
than  fall  into  his  hands,  will  seal  our  religion  and  loyalty 
in  the  same  flame." 

Next  niorning.  al  four  ()'cl(_)ck.  the  soldiers  sallied 
out  upon  the  enem\-.  "There;  was  one  UKjrtar  piece 
which  had  raked  them  [)it^ously  and  which  they  feared 
more  than  all  the  enemv's  gun^  "•'  ''■  "  the  lu'st  thing 
they  did  was  to  make  for  the  trench  where  this  mortar 
piece  lay  guarded  by  tifty  soldiers.  After  a  quarter  of 
an  hour's  lighting,  they  won  the  sconce,  gained  the 
rampart,  levelled  the  ditch,  and  drawing  up  the  iron 
monster  by  ropes  dragged  it  into  the  house.  The 
historian  of  the  siege  says,  "Now  neither  ditches,  nor 
ought  else  troubled  our  soldiers  ;  their  grand  terror,  the 
mortar  piece,  which  had  frightened  them  from  their  meat 
and  sleep,  lying  like  a  dead  lion,  quietly  among  them  ; 
everv  one  had  his  eye  and  foot  upon  it,  shouting  and 
rejoicing  as  merrily  as  they  used  to  do  with  their  ale  and 
bagpipes.  Indeed,  every  one  had  this  estimation  of  the 
service,  that  the  main  work  had  been  done,  and  what 
was  yet  behind  was  a  mere  pastime.""''" 

The  unhappy  lawyer,  on  ist  May,  wrote  a  piteous 


letter  to  the  unsympathislng  deputy  lieutenants  of  Lan- 
cashire— he  had  been  compelled,  he  said,  to  borrow  great 
and  considerable  sums  of  money  both  upon  his  Avord  and 
bond  for  the  public  use.     '^  We  have  had  many  nights 
together  alarms,   and  beaten  them  into  the  house  six  and 
seven  times  in  the  nls^ht,  and  bv  these  alarms  and  great 
numbers  in   the   house,   and  by  our   losses,  my  soldiers 
have  been  inforced  some  to  watch  and  stand  upon  the  guard 
in  the  trenches  for  two  nlg^hts  toi^^ether,  and  others  two 
nights  in  four,  in  both  which  kind  my  son  hath  performed 
his  duties  as  the   meanest    captain  ;     and    for  myself    I 
almost  languish  under   the  burden,    having  toiled  above 
my  strength."     He  concluded  a  long  appeal  by   plainly 
intimating    if    they  did    not   assist   him   that   he    should 
abandon    the   enterprise.       Receiving    no    aid,    on    27th 
May,  he  threw  himself  with  his  soldiers  into  Bolton. 

The  following  day  Rupert  and  Derby  attacked 
the  town,  and  after  a  fierce  contest  carried  it ;  the 
Roundheads  hung  a  royal  trooper  early  In  the  day,  and 
his  death  was  sternly  and  bitterly  revenged.  Sixteen 
hundred  of  the  garrison  paid  the  penalty,  and  a  few- 
hours  later  twenty-two  of  the  rebel  colours  which  had 
waved  in  menace  before  Lathom  House,  were  presented 
to  the  Countess  to  grace  the  stronghold  she  had  so 
loyally  and  well  maintained. 

At  a  later  date,  when  the  great  possessions  of  the 
House  of  Stanley  were  confiscated  bv  the  Parliament,  the 
Isle  of  Man  was  granted  to  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  ''In 
public  gratitude  of  his  high  deserts,  and  not  as  the  Issue 
of  his  own  desires."  He  was  a  generous  enemy,  and 
declined  to  profit  by  the  ill  fortune  of  a  noble  race.  He 
received  the  income    of  the  Estates  thus  granted  him. 


Li 


ll 


XXVI 


IMKuDL'CTIOX. 


but  accounted  to  the  Countess  for  every  shilling  he 
received  ;  so  that  in  after  life  she  said  she  never  received 
her  rents  with  such  regularity  from  her  own  agents. 
Fairfax  never  benefitted  by  the  misfortunes  of  his  Country, 
but  declining  to  profit  by  the  losses  of  others  lived  and 
died  on  the  Estates  bequeathed  him  by  his  predecessors. 

Sir  Jacob  Astley  (sometimes  described  as  Ashley, 
and  sometimes  as  Lord  Astley  or  Ashley  by  the  his- 
torians of  the  period)  was  the  very  type  of  an  English 
Royalist. 

Descended  from  an  ancient  and  honored  race,  he 
was  the  second  son  of  Isaac  Astlev,  of  Hill  Morton  and 
Melton  Constable,   and  was  born  at  the  latter   place    in 

1579. 

When  only  19  years  of  age  he  joined  the  forces 
which  were  sent  by  Queen  Elizabeth  to  aid  the  people  of 
Holland  in  their  struggle  against  Philip  of  Spain.  His 
distinguished  gallantry  led  to  his  attaining  at  the  hand  of 
Maurice,  Prince  of  Oran^'-e.  the  hlirhest  rank  in  his 
profession.  In  1621  he  associated  himself  with  the  gal- 
lant band  of  English  gentlemen  who  fought  nobly  but 
in  vain  for  the  Elector  Palatine  ;  and  ten  years  later  he 
accepted  a  commission  from  the  Duke  of  Hamilton,  who 
fought  under  the  banner  of  the  great  Protestant  Cham- 
pion, Gustavus  of  Sweden. 

In  1 64 1  he  was  summoned  home  to  take  a  com- 
mand in  the  expedition  against  the  Scots,  and  when  that 
breach  was  for  the  moment  healed,  he  was  given  the 
Government  of  Plymouth,  as  a  position  of  ease,  honour, 
and  emolument. 

Already,  however,  the  clouds  were  gathering  which 


\ 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXVll 


were  destined  to  break  in  the  thunderstorm  of  civil  war,  and 
when  the  King's  Standard  was  unfurled  at  Nottingham 
no  truer  or  abler  soldier  ranged  himself  beneath  it  than 
the  old  soldier  who,  as  a  mere  stripling,  had  43  years 
before  distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of  Nieuport 
and  the  siege  of  Ostend. 

In  that  noble  series  of  characters  which  Clarendon 
has  o-iven  us  of  his  contemporaries  we  find  Sir  Jacob 
Asdey  thus  described  : — 

*•  He  was  an  honest,  brave,  plain  man,  and  as  fit 
for  the  office  he  exercised,  of  Major-Gencral  of  the  Foot, 
as  Christendom  yielded  ;  very  discerning  and  prompt  in 
giving  orders,  as  the  occasion  required,  and  most  cheerful 
and  present  in  any  action.  In  council,  he  used  tcw,  but 
very  pertinent  words  ;  and  was  not  at  all  pleased  with 
the  long  speeches  usually  made  there,  and  which  rather 
confounded  than  informed  his  understanding  ;  so  that  he 
rather  collected  the  ends  of  the  debates,  and  what  he  was 
himself  to  do,  than  enlarged  them  by  his  own  discourses  ; 
though  he  forbore  not  to  deliver  his  own  mind." 

"  He  was  purely  a  soldier  and  of  a  most  loyal 
heart,"  writes  another  historian,  and  every  trace  of  his 
career  confirms  these  estimates  of  his  character  and  con- 
duct. 

At  the  battle  of  Edgehill  Sir  Jacob  Asdey  had 
the  command  of  one  of  the  divisions  of  Infantry,  and  did 
good  service  on  that  day  of  chequered  fortunes  and 
baffled  hopes. 

The  hostile  armies  were  in  sight  of  each  other, 
and  the   Kincr  addresso^l  his  own.     ''  I  have  written  and 


XXVlil 


ix^rRO:.  I'd  ION 


TNTRODUCTION. 


yxix 


nte-nch 


1    1 


al\\XL\-^ 


1  i  I  i  1 !  ;  1 1  (.1 4  i  I 


1  ^.  >- 


a 


declared."  said  hr,    ■  that   I    i 

and  defend  the  Pretfstant  ridi^-iun,  thf  ri-iit>  and 
vileges  ot  ParHanicnt,  and  the  hhrrt\-  ei'  the  suiiic^t.  an 
now  I  must  t)ro\'e  m\-  words  h\-  th*'  ccnxancin^-  ar^^unitau 
ot  the  sword.  Let  Ilcaxx-n  show  its  [>ower  b)-  this  da) 's 
victory  to  declare  nvj  JList  ;  and  as  a  lawful,  so  a  loving- 
King-  to  my  subjects.  The  best  encouragement  I  can 
give  you  is  this  :  that  come  life  or  death,  vour  Kino-  will 
bear  you  company,  and  e\-er  keep  this  held,  this  place, 
and  this  day's  service  in  his  grateful  remembrance." 

And  then,  before  the  battle  joined,  the  simple 
prayer  of  Astley  rose  fervently  to  Heaven,  as  the  veteran 
said  aloud,  ''  Oh,  Lord  !  Thou  knowest  how  busv  I  m.ust 
be  this  day  ;  if  I  forget  Thee,  do  not  Thou  forget  me  ; '' 
—and  with  that  rose  up,  crying  out,  "  .ALirch  on,  boys." 

It  has  indeed  been  too  much  the  custom  to 
imagine  that  there  were  some  broad,  coarse  lines  of 
character  and  conduct  which  infallibly  distinguished  the 
Roundhead  from  the  Cavalier.  We  can  Hnd  none  such  ; 
— the  former  counted  among  their  number  many  a  cant- 
ing hypocrite,  the  latter  included  in  their  ranks  many  a 
godless  and  licentious  knave,-— thus  it  will  ever  b(:  with 
the  extremes  of  opposing  parties,— and  it  is  the  worst  or 
the  weakest  men  who  belong  to  them  who  generally 
exaggerate  their  own  expressed  opinions  in  the  hope  of 
inducing  others  to  believe  in  their  sinceritjx  To  judge, 
however,  that  the  quaint  language  and  Scriptural  [)hrases 
and  images  which  the  Roundheads  employixl  were 
necessarily  an  evidence  of  hypocrisy  would  be  a  very 
transparent  error.  There  was  but  little  reading-  in  those 
days  among  the  masses,  but  the  Bible  was  intensely 
studied  ;    had    any    general    literatun*    or  any   historical 


knowl'^V^'  ^'^--^^i  widelv  -.la'cad  air ong  iht-ni,  u  i^  ra-obalae 
tht;ir   \-r>calni]arv   would   ha\-(^    been    cxtrnd'il   .aid   ih«-r 

n    insi)ircd  lusinrw      As  it 


u 


loiilldcd 


i 


was,  tho    Biblr-    \\;i:~>   to    thoni    iho   sole   standard  o!    rigiu 
and  wrona".  andi  tho  onl\-  hi^torica^  ijarallels  to  wliicli  tlioy 
could    apijoal    wore   contained   in   it.      The  result  was  the 
exao-o-erated    lan"uau'e    whicli    thi^    Xonconte)rm!sts    em- 
ploved,  and  which   sounds  so  strange  to  us.      That  it  was 
frequently  used  for  e\-il   ends,   we  doubt  not;  luit  in  itselt 
it  was  the  natural   result  of  the   strained  religious  ieeling 
and  imperfect  edtication  of  the  period.      If  it  be  necessary 
further  to  support  this  view  of  the  case,  we  would  refer 
the  reader  to  the  common  conversation  of  the  Dissenters 
of  the  present  day,   and  indeed   to  many  of  the  Church- 
o-oers,   in    East   Sussex  ;  he   will   find   there   very  similar 
causes  have  produced  kindred  effects,    and  that  the  same 
exclusive  study  of  the  Bible  has  induced  a  tone  of  thought 
and     language    which    is     in    many     respects    curiously 
analoo-ous  to  that  which  it  effected  in  the  i  jth  century. 

The  period  was  a  deeply  religious  era,  and  there. 
is  no  reason  for  attribtiting  to  the  stipporters  of  the 
Parliament  anv  monopolv  of  scaaous  and  conscientious 
thought.  No  doubt,  as  time  went  on,  and  as  feelings 
became  (aiibittered,  each  i)arty  strove  to  create  or  detect 
differences  which  might  distinguish  it  from  the  other,  and 
then  the  Sectaries  became  more  and  more  selt-righteous 
in  their  tone,  and  the  followers  of  the  King  made  it  a 
matter  of  pride  to  scoff  at  their  hypocrisy  and  cant,  untd 
the  n-iost  violent  among  the  former  party  might  ha\(: 
graced  a  modern  revival  meeting,  and  the  latter  nught 
have  rivalled  the  frequenters  of  a  betting  booth. 

This  was,  however,  the  Qradiial  result  of  civil  war 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


— of  all  Strife  the  one    most  calculated  to  embitter  the 
feelinofs  and  debase  the  actions  of  those  who  engao-e  in 
it.     The  hii^h-minded    chivalry   which    marked   Hopton, 
Grenville,   Falkland,    Astley,    and    many    another    noble 
gentleman  who  fought  for  the  King,  was  equalled  though 
it  could  not  be  surpassed  by   Essex,    Fairfax,    Denbigh, 
and   Manchester,  who  strove   for   the    Parliament.      On 
both    sides     v\as    the     same     great    courtesy;    on    both 
the  same  stern  resolution  to  do  their  duty  ;  on  both  the 
same     firm     reliance    on    the    justice    of    their     cause ; 
and  the  same  solemn  conviction  that  God  would  hold  the 
balance  and  decide  in   favour  of  righteousness  and  truth. 
When,  therefore,  Sir  Jacob  Astley  uttered  his  prayer  on 
the  held  of  Edgehill,  we  give  him  credit  for  unfeigned 
religious    faith,   and    hold    the   act    to    be   consistent    not 
simply  with  his  pa^t   life   but   with  the  spirit  and  convic- 
tions of  the  men  among  whom  he  had  cast  his  lot. 

The  annals  of  the  civil  war  are  full  of  records  of 
Astley  :  he  was  present  in  most  of  the  more  important 
battles,  and  his  efforts  to  restrain  the  excesses  of  the 
Royalists,  to  secure  sup[jlies  for  and  to  attend  to  the 
comforts  of  his  own  soldiers,  and  to  carry  on  the  strife 
with  humanity  as  well  as  with  effect,  are  evidenced  in 
numerous  letters  which  are  yet  [)reserved.  We  will  only 
pause  to  give  a  single  extract  from  his  letters. 

Writing  to  Rupert  on  the  nth  January,  1644-5, 
he  expresses  himself  thus  quaintly  : — ''  Affter  manie 
scolisietations  by  letteres  and  mesendgeres  sent  for  bet- 
ter paiement  of  this  garison,  and  to  be  provided  with 
men,  armes,  and  amonition  for  ye  good  orderinge  and 
defence  of  this  place,  I  have  reseeived  no  comfort  at  all. 
So  y"-  in  littell  time  our  extreamieties  must  thruste  the 


IXTRODUCTIOX. 


xxxi 


souldieres  eyther  to  disband  or  mutiny,  or  plunder,  and 
then  y^  fault  thereof  wil  be  laied  to  my  charge.  God 
send  ye  Kinge  mor  monnie  to  go  throw  with  his  great 
worck  in  hande,  and  me  free  from  blame  and  imputation." 

Asdey  was,  at  different  times,  made  Governor  of 
various  Royal  Garrisons,  and  after  the  defeat  of  Naseby 
he  was  appointed  Lieutenant  General  of  the  Royal  forces 
in  the  West  and  on  the  Welsh  Marshes. 

At  Worcester,  many  mondis  after  Rupert  had  sur- 
rendered Bristol,  he  collected  a  force  of  3,000  men,  with 
which  he  determined  to  join  the  King  at  Oxford,  but  his 
letters  were  intercepted  and  Sir  Wm.  Brereton  and  Colonel 
Morgan  met  him  with  an  overwhelming  force  at  Stow  in 
the  Wold,  where,  says  Whitelocke,  "  after  a  sore  conflict 
on  both  sides,  Sir  Jacob  xAstley  was  totally  routed,  him- 
self taken  prisoner,  and  1,500  more  horse  and  men,  all 
their  carriages,  arms,  and  baggage  taken.  ^Morgan's 
word  was  "  God  be  our  guide,"  Asdey's  word  was  '  Patrick 
and  George."  ''^  '"  *  Sir  Jacob  Astley,  after  he  was 
prisoner,  told  some  of  the  Parliament  Officers,  '  i^ow  you 
have  done  your  work,  and  may  go  play,  unless  you  fall 
out  among  yourselves.'  " 

And  so  it  was — for  there  was  now  no  army  in  the 
field  to  batde  for  the  Crown— the  high  spirit  of  the 
Cavaliers  was  broken  ;  there  was  discord  in  their  councils 
and  indecision  in  their  Court.  Henceforth  the  banner  of 
the  King  might  float  for  a  brief  period  over  an  isolated 
castle,  or  a  remote  town,  but  the  struggle  was  virtually 
over,  and  the  defeat  of  Asdey  was  the  immediate  fore- 
runner of  the  final  overthrow.  In  a  letter  of  6th  June, 
1646,  the  King,  wriung  to  him,  says  '^the  greatest  of  my 


I 


f. 


XXXll 


TVTROr>UCTION. 


misfortunes  is  that    I  cannot  reward  so  Lfallant  and  loval 
a  subject  as  I  ouL^dit  and  would." 

He  had,  indeed,  created  him  l^aron  Astlev  of 
Reading,  (a  title  selected  from  th(!  circumstance  that  he 
was  descended  from  Thomas  liaron  dc  Astlev,  who 
was  slain  at  the  battle  of  Evesham  in  the  rei'-n  of  Henrv 
III.)  but  beyond  that  empty  honour  he  had  nothing  to 
bestow  ;  a  fugitive  in  his  own  Lmd,  a  wanderer  amonQf 
his  own  people,  he  was  soon  to  become  the  captive  of  his 
enemies,  and  the  victim  of  his  most  relentless  foes. 

Astley  remained  some  months  a  |)risoner.  and 
then  was  amnestied  by  the  Parliament.  He  never  drew 
the  sword  again,  but  was  gathered  to  his  fathers  at  a  ripe 
old  age,  leaving  behind  him  a  name  honoured  by  nien  of 
both  parties,  and  a  reputation  which  calumny  itself  never 
ventured  to  asperse. 

Henry  Hastings,  Lord  Loughborough,  was  a  nian 
of  a  widely  different  stamp.  A  son  of  the  Earl  of  Hunt- 
ingdon, he  had  all  the  advantages  which  rank  and  wealth 
conferred  in  those  days  on  a  great  family.  He  enjoyed 
some  popularity  in  his  own  neighbourhood,  and  amono- 
his  own  retainers,  and  his  character  was  fertile  in  re- 
sources, enterprising,  and  undaunted. 

He  appears  to  have  combined  in  a  singular  degree 
loyalty  to  the  King  with  regard  for  his  own  interests  ;  and 
the  feud  between  the  houses  of  Huntinofdon  and  Stamford 
was  carried  on  bv  him  verv  effectual Iv  when  he  took  un 
arms  for  the  Crown.  He  fortified  his  father's  house  at 
Ashby  de  la  Zouche,  and  in  a  short  time  raised  a  force 
sufficient  to  enable  him  to  hold  in  check  Lord  Grev,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  Earl  of  Stamford—the  "  Kinir's  service." 


'i 


I 


INTRODUCTION. 


xxxni 


says  Clarendon,  "  being  the  more  advanced  there,  by  the 
notable  animosities  between  the  two  families  of  Hunt- 
ingdon and  Stamford,  between  whom  the  County  was 
divided  passionately  enough,  without  any  other  quarrel." 

Clarendon  notices  his  acts  on  three  or  four 
occasions;  but  Hastings  does  not  figure  in  the  ^stately 
portrait  gallery  the  great  historian  has  limned.  We  must 
gather  our  estimate  of  him  from  his  acts,  from  the  ap- 
preciation of  his  contemporaries,  and  from  the  letters 
which,  written  hastily  and  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment, 
tell  much  of  his  disposition,  hs  temper,  and  his  aims. 

The  silence  of  Clarendon  is  unfortunate.  A  man 
in  the  position  of  Hastings,  and  taking  an  energetic  part 
in  the  war,  was  the  natural  object  of  more  than  a  passing 
comment.  Yet  beyond  admitting  his  activity,  and  the 
local  Importance  of  his  adhesion  to  the  Royal  cause, 
there  is  hardly  a  word  about  him  in  the  History  of  the 
Rebellion. 

Warburton,  however,  regards  him  as  deserving  all 
admiration,  and  thus  expresses  himself  of  his  favourite 
hero.     "  Hastings  was   neither  poor  nor   personally  in- 
jured, it  is  true.      He  entered  on   the   war  with  all  the 
energy  of  a  man   who    finds  himself  unexpectedly  called 
upon   to   exert   his    peculiar  talent;    he  was   the  model 
of  a  partlzan  leader  ;  he  kept   the  whole  country    round 
his  father's   stronghold   at    Ashby  de  la  Zouche  in  awe. 
He  possessed  no  scruples  ;  he  bore  a  blue  banner  blazoned 
with  a  furnace,   and  the   candid  motto,    ''  Qui  ignis  con- 
flatoris  "—well  suited  to  his  fiery  and  destructive  career. 
The  Parliamentary  Journals  call  him  "  that  notable  thief 

and  robber." 

E 


J L-. 


XXXI V 


IXI  i  ODUCTIOX. 


We  confess  very  reluctantly  to  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  Parliamentary  was  the  more  correct 
estimate  of  Hastin;^s  ;  and,  althou'^^h  we  find  in  War- 
burton  and  elsewhere  evidences  of  his  audacity  and  zeal 
he  appears  to  have  deserved  the  opprobrium  he  earned 
and  failed  to  redeem  his  character  by  any  striking  deed 
of  successful  darini^-. 

One  of  the  acts  of  this  determined  partizan  leader 
was  to  enter  Leicester  on  22nd  June,  1642,  '^  with  ban- 
ners displayed  and  matches  burning,  and  to  read  the 
King's  Commission  of  Array."  The  Sheriff  immediately 
read  the  Parliamentary  decree  against  this  Commission, 
and  two  messengers  from  the  Parliament  endeavoured, 
though  without  success,  to  capture  Hastings.  The  scene 
is  thus  described  by  the  messengers  :— "  Then  the 
Cavaliers  and  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  ioinin<r  with  the 
rude  multitude,  and  about  24  parsons  in  canonicals,,  well- 
horsed,  rode  all  towards  the  town  with  loud  exclamations, 
'A  King!  a  King!'  and  others,  'For  a  King!  for  a 
King!'  in  a  strange  and  unheard  of  manner,  Captain 
Worsley  giving  the  word  of  command  to  the  soldiers,— 
'  ]Make  ready,  make  ready  :  which,  as  they  were  proceed- 
ing to  do,  a  sudden  and  extraordinary  abundance  of  rain 
hindered  the  soldiers  from  firing  ^''  *  "''  Then  they 
followed  }^Iaster  Sheriff  Chambers  and  Stanforth,  crying 
out,  '  At  the  cap !  at  the  cap  ! '  which  was  at  that  time  on 
Chambers'  head,  and  Master  Hastings  gave  fire  at  Cham- 
bers with  one  of  his  petronels,  but  the  same  did  not 
discharcre." 

Whitelocke's  Memorials  take  the  form  of  a  diary, 
chronicling  each  day  the  events  which  were  known  in 
London  ;  and  in  this  work    Hastings  is  constantly  men- 


f 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXV 


tioned,  c.  £.—The  last  entry  for  February,  1643-4,15, 
''  Sir  John  Cell  routed  a  party  of  the  King's  horse  under 
Colonel  Hastings,  took  120  horse,  many  prisoners  and 
their  arms."  Ten  davs  later  \\diitelocke  records  that 
"  the  Clergy  and  others  being  summoned  to  Leicester  to 
take  the  covenant,  and  very  many  of  them  coming  in, 
Colonel  Hastings  with  400  of  the  King's  horse  roamed 
about  the  country,  and  took  about  100  prisoners  of  those 
that  were  s^oinij  to  take  the  covenant,  and  drove  the  rest 
home  again.  Upon  this,  about  200  horse  were  sent  from 
Leicester,  \\ho  unexpectedly  fell  into  the  quarters  of 
Flastings,  rescued  all  the  prisoners,  disperscxl  his  troops, 
took  50  of  them  prisoners,  and  140  horse  and  arms." 
According  to  the  same  historion  an  unusual  misadventure 
befel  him  in  the  following  October.  ''  A  party  of  Colonel 
Hastinc/s  his  men  came  into  Louo-borou^h  on  the  Lord's 
day,  rode  into  church  in  sermon  time,  and  would  have 
taken  the  preacher  away  out  of  the  pulpit,  but  the  women 
rescued  him,  and  proved  then  more  valiant  than  their 
husbands,  or  Hastings  his  men.'" 


It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  instances  ;  but  thes(". 
which  we  ha\'e  selected  will  suffice — they  tell  of  a  man 
whose  energy  was  unrestrained  by  prudence,  and  whose 
enterprises  were  seldom  illuminated  by  success. 

Within  three  days  after  the  defeat  at  Nasebv, 
Hastines  surrendered  Leicester  to  b'^airfax,  an  act  which 
apparently  displeased  the  King,  for  Whitelocke  states  on 
the  following  13th  August  that  "at  Lichfield  the  King 
confined  Colonel  Hastings  for  delivering  up  of  Leicester." 

Lichfield  had  been  captured  by  Rupert  in  April, 
1643,  after  a  gallant  defence,   and  Colonel  Henry  Bagot 


XXXV I 


INIKODIXTIOX. 


had  been  appointed  Governor  of  tb.e  [AAcr.  B(.-t\vt:cn 
Baeot  and  Hastings  a  iirrcc  tend  spriinL/  up  which  was 
remembered  with  cicrini()ni()iih  resentment  b)-  tha:  latter 
even  after  Bacfot  had  met  a  soldier's  death  in  the  serx'ice 
of  the  Crown.  On  2Sth  jiilv,  164'.  writinc^-  from  Licli- 
field  to  Rupert  on  the  subject  of  an  appointment,  which 
we  presume  was  that  ol  successor  to  Bai^ot,  he  says.  "'  I 
beseech  you,  Sir,  g-ive  me  lea\-e  to  tell  \'ou  that  Town 
Adjutant  Shrimshaw  was  the  chief  assistant  Colonel 
Bagot  used  in  his  oppositicjn  against  ine,  and  our  minds 
both  too  high  to  acknowdedge  a  superiority,  his  j)resent 
expressions  declaring  an  impossibility  of  our  agreement, 
which  must  needs  be  destructive  to  the  Kini^^'s  service." 
What  the  result  of  this  letter  was  we  cannot  say,  but  it  is 
evident  that  the  feuds  at  Lichfield  weie  unappeased,  and 
at  length  that  they  needed  the  intervention  of  Sir  Jacob 
Astley  to  compose  them. 

The  subsequent  career  of  Hastings  is  the  subject 
of  several  notes  in  Whitelocke.  On  23rd  February, 
1645-6,  the  articles  for  the  surrender  of  Ashby  de  la 
Zouche  were  received  by  the  Parliament,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  estate  of  Colonel  Hastings  should  be 
discharged  of  sequestration.  He  was  again  in  arms, 
however,  in  1648,  and  assisted  in  the  gallant  and  vain 
defence  of  Cokhester.  He  was  taken  [prisoner  when  that 
town  was  surrendered  to  Fairfax,  and  W  hitelocke  states 
was  banished  the  kinc;;dom  bv  the  Parliament.  flow- 
ever,  he  was  at  a  little  later  date  a  prisoner  in  Wdndsor 
Castle,  and  escaped  from  that  place  on  the  evening  of 
30th  January,  1649,  the  memorable  day  on  which  Charles 
perished  on  the  scaftbld. 

James  Stewart,  Duke  of  Lenox,   Hereditary  High 


! 


TNTRODUCTTOX. 


xxxvu 


t 


p 


^ 


i 


Steward  and  Hi^h  Admiral  of  Scotland,  was  nearly  re- 
lated  to  Charles.  He  was  lorn  in  1612,  and  having 
completed  his  education  by  foreign  travel,  returned  to 
E  mil  and. 

He  was  born  to  great  possessions,  and  added  to 
them  by  his  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham.  He  was  appointed  Privy  Councillor 
immediately  on  his  return  to  England,  and  was  sub- 
sequently made  Lord  Steward,  Warden  oi  the  Cinque 
Ports,  and  created  Duke  of  Richmond. 

He  was  a  most  devoted  subject  and  servant  of  the 
Crown.  He  had  at  his  command  all  that  could  make  life 
conspicuous.  Youth,  wealth,  an  ample  patrimony,  and 
an  ancient  and  honoured  name— yet  without  hesitation 
he  perilled  everything,  except  the  last,  in  defence  of  the 
Kin^  he  reverenced  and  the  bene^^ctor  he  loved. 

Charles  was  guilty  of  grave  faults  and  many  weak- 
nesses, but  at  least  he  won  the  attachment  of  faithful 
friends,  and  when  he  was  convinced  of  their  fidelity  could 
repay  it  with  confidence  and  trust  ;  in  the  Duke  of 
Richmond  he  recognised  a  kinsman  bound  to  him  by  the 
recollection  of  past  favours,  and  sincerely  loyal  to  his 
person  and  his  cause.  Others  had  motives  of  selfishness 
to  gratify  or  ambition  to  serve  :  one  man  desired  to  com- 
mand his  armies,  another  to  control  his  councils,  and  a 
third  to  earn  his  gifts;  each  of  them  had  some  [)ersonal 
end  to  gratify,  some  private  [^ique  to  avenge,  or  some 
exalted  position  to  maintain  or  seize.  Richmond  stood 
alone  ;  his  wealth  was  sufficient  for  his  needs,  his  position 
satisfied  his  pride,  and  he  had  no  motive  of  interest  or 
cupidity  to  color  his  advocacy  or  biass  his  mind, 


xxxviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


He  is  Spoken  of  by  Clarendon  as  being  in  1639 
the  only  councillor  about  the  King"  who  •'*  had  the  least 
consideration  for  his  honour,"  and  in  1641  as  "almost 
the  only  man  of  great  quality  and  consideration  who  did 
not  in  the  least  degree;  stoo^)  or  make  court"  to  the 
Malcontents,  '' but  crossed  them  boldly  in  the  house." 
In  the  troubled  scenes  which  then  occurred  he  became 
the  mark  of  repeated  attack^,  for  he  was  known  to  be 
incorruptible,  and  it  was  felt  he  must  therefore  be  dis- 
graced. '*  Mis  great  and  haughtv  spirit,"  unbending 
honour,  and  uncompromising  speech,  never  quailed  before 
the  power,  the  insolence,  or  the  intellect  of  th(;  factions 
to  which  he  was  opposed. 

When  war  broke  out  he  attached  himself  to  the 
person  of  the  King.  He  had  a  great  though  silent  in- 
fluence in  the  little  Court  at  Oxford,  and  his  advice,  as 
far  as  we  can  trace  it,  was  sound  and  wise.  He  seems 
to  have  endeavoured  to  allay  the  feuds  that  recklessly 
weakened  the  royal  cause,  and,  so  far  as  Rupert  was 
concerned,  his  aim  was  evidentlv  to  soothe  his  haughty 
and  impracticable  spirit,  and  to  explain  awav  the  sli^-hts 
which  might  otherwise  haxe  led  to  serious  discord  m  the 
camp  as  well  as  in  the  Court. 

Richmond  preserved  his  consistency  of  character 
and  conduct  to  the  last.  He  faithfully  served  the  King- 
in  various  negociations  tor  peace  \vith  the  Parliament  ; 
when  Charles  was  in  prison  he  unsuccessfully  sued  to  be 
allowed  to  share  his  captivity,  and  when  the  regic'des  had 
passed  their  sentence  the  Duke  \ainly  asked  to  be 
alloweci  to  see  his  master  and  accompany  him  to  the 
scaffold.  He  was  present  on  the  dreary  day  when  the 
royal  corpse  was  committed  to  the  earth  amid  the  sighs 


xxxix 


and  silent  prayers  of  a  few  weeping  mourners,  and  then 
he  left  England  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  his  master's  son, 
and  die  of  a  broken  heart  in  an  alien  land. 

The  Commission  held  by  Rupert,  the  j^ower  it 
vested  in  him.  and  the  extent  to  which  he  was  subject  to 
control  was  constantly  matter  of  debate.  The  tone  of 
the  letter  (No.  14)  of  the  Duke  dated  Oxford,  21  April, 
is  eminently  that  of  a  peace  maker.  Plans  were  certainly 
discussed  at  the  Council,  of  the  nature  of  those  to  w^hich 
the  Prince  objected,  but  the  intention  was  "  to  propound 
only  by  way  of  question  all  things  of  moment,"  and  not 
to  give  orders  to  him  about  them.  If  the  truth  w^as 
spoken  somew^hat  plainly  on  some  points,  they  were 
points  which  the  Council  was  acquainted  with,  such  *'as 
settinge  dowme  the  King's  condition  here  "  to  a  greater 
extent  than  Rupert— and  even  that  discussion  was  held 
in  the  presence  of  William  Legge,  the  most  trusted  servant 
and  truest  friend  of  the  Prince. 

Letter  No.  18  must  have  been  written  on  i8th 
September,  1643,  fo^  it  states  ''Last  night  my  Lord 
Digby  writt  to  your  Highness  by  the  King's  orders  on 
the  receipt  of  yours  from  Stamford,"  and  Lord  Di^rby's 
letter  is  dated  17th  September,  1643."" 

It  was  written  at  a  critical  period.  After  Rupert 
had  won  Bristol  the  Royal  army,  flushed  with  victory  and 
confident  of  success,  had  beleaguered  Gloucester.  That 
city,  surrounded  by  a  ditch  and  a  mouldering  wall,  was 
supposed  to  be  incapable  of  defence,  and  after  it  had 
fallen  the  Cavaliers  anticipated  an  easy  and  triumphant 
march  to  London.     Th(i  fortifications  of  Gloucester  were 


ii 


5 


*  See  Warburton  Ili^toiy.     Rupert  and  the  Cavaliers,  p,  290,  vol.  3,  where  it  la 
printed  at  length, 


TXTROnUCTION 


INTRODUCTION. 


xli 


indeed  slio^ht,  but  brave  hearts  and  willinar  hands  were 
within  those  ancient  walls,  and  a  stern  spirit  animated 
Colonel  Massey  who  held  it  for  the  Parliami^nt,  and  his 
garrison  of  1.500  men.  On  loth  Air^ust.  1643.  out  of 
"  his  tender  compassion  for  his  City  of  Gloucester  "  the 
King  summoned  it  to  surrender,  offi^ring  pardon  to  all 
its  gtrrison  and  inhabitants  if  the  summons  were  com- 
plied with,  and  threatening  to  reduce  the  place  by  force 
unless  within  two  hours  the  required  submission  was 
made.-*- 

''Within  less  than  the  time  prescribed,  says  Claren- 
don, together  with  the  trumpeter  returned  two  citizens  from 
the  tovvn,  with  lean,  pale,  sharp,  and  bad  visages,  indeed 
faces  so  strange  and  unusual,  and  in  such  a  garb  and  pos- 
ture,  that  at  once  made   the   most  severe  countenances 
merry,  and  the  most  cheerful  heart  sad.  for  it  was  impossible 
such  Ambassadors  could  bring  less  than  a  defiance.     The 
men,  without  any  circumstances  of  duty  or  good  manners, 
in  a  pert,  shrill,  undismayed  accent,  said,  "they  had  brought 
an  answer  from  the  godly  city  of  Gloucester  to  the  King," 
—and  this  answer  which  was   signed  by  the  Mayor,  the 
Governor,  and  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  Town  was 
to  the  effect  that  they  held   the  city  ^'  to  and  for  the  use 
of  his   Majesty   and  his   royal  posterity,"  ''and  would" 
obey    the  commands   of  his    Majesty,  signified  by  both 
Houses   of  Parliament,   and   "were"   resolved  by  God's 
help  to  keep  the  city  accordingly. 

The  Letter  from  Lord  Percy  to  the  King  (Xo. 
35)  gives  an  interesting  detail  of  the  progress  of  the 
sieo-e  and  the  report  of  the  Engineers  upon  the  pos- 
sibility  of  taking  the  city  by  storm. 


k 


+  The  account  of  the  siege  of  Gloucester  in  May'=  Ui.tury  of  the  Parliament  con- 
firms  that  of  Clarendon. 


Meanwhile,  there  was  anxiety  and  stern  concentra- 
tion of  purpose  among  the  energetic  men  who  governed 
the  decisions  of  the  Parliament.  Bristol  had  fallen, 
Gloucester  was  in  peril,  the  House  of  Lords  was  clamour- 
ino-  for  an  accommodation  with  the  King — but  evc^ry 
pulpit  rang  with  denunciations  of  peace  ;  tlie  walls  oi 
London  were  covered  with  intlammalory  placards,  and 
printed  papers  scattered  through  the  streets  summoned 
the  people  to  rise  as  one  man  and  support  their  chosen 
leaders.  It  was  Sundav.  yet  on  that  day  of  rest  the 
Common  Council  was  assembled,  and  a  petition  to  the 
Commons  adopted  "  for  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war,  and  declininu'  all  thoughts  of  accommodation." 

The  siege  of  Gloucester  proceeded  slowly,  and 
before  that  citv  the  armv  of  the  Kin^-  revelled  and 
wasted  away.  Irritated  at  the  resistcUice  they  had  en- 
countered, the  soldiery  abandoned  themselves  to  license 
and  excess  ;  thousands  of  sheep  were  wantonly  des- 
troyed ;  countrymen  were  imprisoned  without  warrant 
and  held  to  ransom  :  and  every  species  of  severity  was 
practised  on  the  inh.abitants  of  the  district. 

Animated  bv  rcliu'ious  fanaticism  and  zeal  for  wliat 
they  deemed  to  be  the  interests  of  their  countr\-,  Massev 
and  his  gallant  force  defended  tliemselves  with  energy 
and  sticcess  ;  thev  burned  the  suburbs  which  might  have 
sheltered  the  besieging  army,  they  sallied  out  night  after 
night  upon  their  enemy,  spiking  cannon  and  killing  the 
workmen  in  the  trenches,  while  in  all  their  labours,  in  all 
their  danirers,    the  citizens    took    part   with   the    soldiers. 

o 

the  women  with   their  husbands,    the  children  with  their 
mothers.'"' 


*Guizot's  English  Revolution,  p.  201,  edit.  1S46. 


1 


:lii 


INTRODUCTION. 


1 


INTRODUCTION. 


xliU 


i\lean\\hile  the  haughty  Essex  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  army  of  relief.  Brave,  undemonstrative, 
and  coldly  determined  to  do  his  duty,  he  asked  no 
sympathy  from  his  employers,  but  won  from  them  their 
confidence  and  trust.  His  letters  are  models  of  business 
communications  ;  they  dwell  on  every  point  that  demands 
attention,  they  enumerate  the  requirements  of  the  army 
and  its  chief;  and  state  brieily,  but  with  accuracy,  the 
events  which  have  occurred  and  the  desiirns  which  are  in 
progress.  He  never  magnifies  his  own  successes,  never 
incumbers  his  letters  with  stilted  professions  of  his  zeal 
for  "The  Cause,"  and  makes  no  cantini:  allusion  to 
interpositions  from  Ibaven  in  favour  of  Parliament 
and  the  leaders  thev  tru>ted  to  command  their  armies. 
In  short,  an  aristocrat  at  heart  and  a  patriot  from 
principle,  he  was  too  honest  to  conceal  his  sentiments, 
and  too  proud  to  pander  to  the  follies  and  \-ices  of  his 
Employers. 

On  24th  August  Essex  mustered  his  army  on 
Hounslow  Heath;  his  forces  numbered  about  15,000, 
but  in  great  part  they  were  men  hastily  levied,  imper- 
fectly drilled,  and  unused  to  the  toils  and  perils  of  war. 
With  this  army  of  conscripts  he  marched  for  Gloucester.* 

Through  a  country  devastated  by  friend  and  foe  ; 
over  wide  plains  where  the  cawalry  of  tlie  enemy  might 
have  cut  off  his  supplies  and  possibly  destroyed  his  army  ; 
and  in  face  of  a  victorious   enemy  and  their  exasperated 


*  The  date  given  by  Warburlon  in  Rupcri  and  the  Cavaliers  i.-,  241I1  Aiigu>i, 
vol.  2,  p.  285. 

In  the  Hves  of  the  Devereux,  Karls  of  E>>cx  vol.  2,  p.  37S,  the  mu,->tcring  at 
Hounslow  is  dated  l5Lh  Aug.,  and  the  Mareh  fiuui  Aynhuc  2ud  .^cpt.  In 
Carlyle's  Cromwell  the  dale  (A  ilie    niarLbi    i>   given  2(  :h  Aul:..  \< 


I,    j'.   145,  eau. 


1873.  Whitelocke  p.  72,  edit.  1732,  >Lilc>  L>^e\  liiarchcd  ir.jni  A\lc.-bu;-y  on  29th 
March,  and  Clarendon,  without  givnig  the  [aeei>e  dale,  apjareiiily  ee^utirnis 
\V  hitelocke. 


r* 


b 


Kino-,  Essex  marched  and  fouuht  his  way.  On  the  even- 
ing  of  September  5th  his  signal  fires  blazed  from  the 
heio-hts  of  the  Cotswold  hills,  and  the  boom  of  his  cannon 
announced  to  the  beleaguered  city  that  succour  was  at 
hand. 

The  roval  armv  burned  their  huts  that  night,  and 
on  the  8th  Essex  entered  Gloucester.  A  few  days 
longer  delav  would  have  been  fatal,  for  the  defenders 
were  well  nigh  worn  out,  their  provisions  were  exhausted, 
and  their  store  of  gunpowder  was  reduced  to  the  last 
barrel.  The  city  might  probably  have  been  taken  by 
storm  when  Lord  Percy's  letter  was  written,  but  the 
KincT  shrank  from  the  bloodshed  such  a  step  would  have 
involved,  and  wasted  his  men  and  his  resources  on  an 
ineffectual  blockade.  Rupert,  who  with  characteristic 
impetuosity,  had  urged  an  assault,  declined  to  l)e 
responsible  for  a  course  he  disapproved,  and  acted  during 
the  siege  only  as  Commander  of  the  Horse. 

A  determined  attack  on  the  Parliamentary  forces 
when  thev  were  toiling  across  the  open  country  on  their 
wav  to  Gloucester  would  probabl)-  have  been  successful ; 
the  Kincr  and  his  advisers,  however,  miscalculated  the 
purposes  and  power  of  their  enemy.  Charles  had  gravely 
replied  to  the  deputies  from  Gloucester,  '*  If  you  expect 
help  you  are  deceived  ;  Waller  is  extinct,  and  Essex 
cannot  come  ;"  and  even  when  it  was  known  that  the 
latter  General  was  on  the  march,  he  supposed  it  was  a 
mere  demonstration,  and  that  its  only  purpose  was  to 
threaten  Oxford,  and  induce  him  to  march  in  its  defence 
and  thus  to  raise  the  siege.  When  at  length  the  King 
realized  the  fact  that  Essex  seriously  purposed  to  relieve 
the  city,  he  still  was  unconscious  of  the  imminence  of  the 


ii 


,r 


xliv 


1X1R0DUCTI0X 


) 


dano^er,  for  on  ^th  Se|jteml)cr,  the  very  clav  on  which  Essex 
reached  the  hills  abo\-(:  IVestburv,  Charles  in  a  letter 
dated  '^  Matson,  5th  September.  10  morn."  thus  wrote  to 
Prince  Rupert*  "  The  General  is  of  opinion  that  we  shall 
do  little  c^ood  upon  this  town,  for  they  bei^n'n  to  counter- 
mine us,  which  will  make  it  a  work  of  timt?  ;  wherefore 
he  is  of  opinion,  to  which  T  fully  concur,  that  we  should 
endeavour  to  flight  with  Essex  as  soon  as  may  be,  after 
WQ  haye  gotten  our  forces  toq-ether,  which  I  hope  will  be 
to-morrow,  those  from  Bristol  beinL»;  already  come  ;  the 
greatest  care  will  be  to  meet  with  him  before  he  can 
reach  the  hedges  ;  now  if  this  be  your  opinion,  as  it  is 
ours,  which  I  des're  to  know  with  all  speed.  I  desire 
you  to  do  eill  things  in  order  to  it  that  no  time  be  lost." 

Before  this  letter  reached  the  Prince,  Essex 
must  haye  gained  the  enclosed  country  where  the  royal 
Cayalry  could  annoy  him  but  little, — and  Gloucester  was 
saved. 

Urged  by  the  fatal  importunity  of  Rupert,  Charles 
resolved  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy  and  cut  off  his  return 
to  London.  By  means  of  forced  marches  which  fatigued 
his  troops,  he  intercepted  Essex  at  Xewbury,  and  fought 
a  disastrous  battle  there.  In  vain  did  the  impetuous 
Cavaliers  charge  time  after  time  the  dense  masses  of 
the  city  train  bands  ;  valour,  chivalry  and  long  descent 
could  not  give  them  the  victory  over  the  stubborn  cour- 
age  oi  those  n:a.^sed  pikemen  :  and  every  charge  saw 
their  numbers  lessen,  and  the  steady  courage  of  their  foe 
confirmed. 

At  last  night  fell  and  the  Kine  withdrew^  his  forces 


INTRODUCTION. 


:h 


XiV 


» 


Rupert  and  the  Cavaliers,  v,  2,  p.  2S6. 


into  the  neighbouring  Town.  Then,  indeed,  he  had  time 
to  think  upon  his  losses,  though  he  had  not  the  oppor- 
tunity to  count  his  dead.  Falkland  was  among  the 
slain,  and  found  that  peace  at  length  for  which  his  weary 
spirit  had  vainly  sought  on  earth  ;  Sunderland  had 
satisfied  ''the  punctilio  of  honour,"  and  the  ''great  parts, 
the  virtue,"  and  the  varied  powers  of  Carnarvon  slept  in 
his  early  grave. 

The  Kino-  Is  stated  to  haye  lost  2,000  men  upon 
that  fatal  day,  and  aUhough  both  parties  claimed  it  as  a 
victory,  Essex  remained  in  possession  of  the  field,  and 
gave  orders  for  the  burial  of  the  dead.  Sullenly  the 
royal  army  withdrew,  leaving  the  road  open  to  their 
enemies,  and  in  a  few  days  time  Essex  entered  London 
in  triumph. 

The  letter  (No.  19)  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond  of 
the  25th  March,  1644,  relates  to  the  relief  of  Newark,  a 
deed  which  was  most  worthy  of  panegyric,  but  which  has 
already  been  referred  to.  We  have  already  stated  that 
Rupert  largely  increased  his  army  in  Shropshire  and  the 
Western  Counties.  It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed 
that  men  of  less  energy  and  singleness  of  purpose  would 
have  been  equally  successful.  Before  his  arrival  the 
Royalist  leaders  uttered  nothing  but  complaints  ;  every 
thing  was  required,  nothing  was  to  hand.  Disputes  among 
themselves  seem  to  have  occupied  whatever  time  their 
enemy  allowed  them  to  enjoy,  and  the  only  sentiment 
they  shared  in  common  was  an  anxious  desire  for  the 
arrival  of  the  Prince,  and  the  consequent  shifting  of  res- 
ponsibility from  their  shoulders  to  his. 

On  25th  January  the  Prince  wrote  to  Sir  Francis 


xlvf 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ottley,  Governor  of  Shrewsbury,  annoiincino^  that  the 
Kine  had  Intrusted  to  his  care  his  army  in  Shropshire 
and  the  Counties  adjacent,  toQ^ether  with  his  Interest 
there.  He  referred  to  some  plot  for  the  betrayal  of  the 
town  to  the  enemy,  and  then  added,  ^' but  I  do  not  hear 
they  (the  conspirators)  are  brought  to  justice  by  any  pro- 
ceeding- against  them,  so  that  the  punishment  may  be  to 
some — the  example  and  terror  to  all."  and  he  intimates 
that  the  Town  will  be  his  head  quarters  and  that  he  re- 
quires certain  alterations  made  in  th^-  Castle  to  fit  it  for 
the  reception  of  stores,  together  with  the  erection  of  huts 
as  lodoflnsfs  for  the  or-arrison.  On  the  receipt  of  this  letter 
the  Governor  prevailed  upon  the  Inhabitants  to  assess 
themselves  at  ^1,000  for  the  service  of  the  King.  Sir 
John  Mennes,  however,  a  few  days  later,  states  that  "  his 
Highness  must  be  seen  here,  and  I  think  felt  too,  before 
this  hard  hearted  people  will  believe  he  Is  coming."  The 
same  luckless  gentleman  remarks  In  another  letter 
''  money  Is  a  thing  not  spoken  of,  neither  do  I  perceive 
your  Highness'  last  letter  prevailed  at  all  with  them  ''^  ''' 
I  must  crave  pardon  If  I  quit  the  place  for  I  have  not 
wherewithal  to  subsist  any  longer,  having  received  but 
^22  now  in  eleven  months,  and  lived  upon  my  own 
without  free  quarters  for  horse  or  man.  The  fortune  I 
have  is  all  in  the  rebells'  hands,  or  in  such  tenants  as 
have  forgot  to  pay." 

The  truth  was  that  all   parties,   save  those  who 

hoped  to  gain  personally  by   It,   were  very  weary  of  the 

war.     The  lonofer  It  continued  the   smaller  seemed  the 

chances  of  eventual  peace.     Armies  traversed  the  country, 

assailed  and  battered  down  castles,   burned   towns    and 

villages,  and  laid  waste  woods  and  corn  fields.  There 
was  the  excitement  of  the  conflict  for  those  engaged  in 


1 


I 


INTRODUCTION. 


xlvH 


it,  fierce  exultation  for  the  victor,  and  possibly  hope  for 
the  vanquished,  but  what  had  the  peaceful  citizen  to 
gain  by  all  this  confusion  and  blood  ?  What  cared  the 
yeoman  whose  farm  steading  was  committed  to  the  fiames 
for  the  doubtful  claims  of  Royalist  or  Parliamentary  com- 
batant ?  What  knew  the  husbandman  of  precedent  or 
privilege,  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  or  the  prerogative  of 


the  C 


rown  . 


4 


The  first  burst   of  enthusiasm  on  either  side  was 

over,  and  the   prosaic    realities  of  war  came  home  to  an 

impoverished   and   heartsick  people.      It  is  well  for   men 

who  regard   war  as   a   pageant   and    not  as   a  reality,  to 

WTite    in    glittering    language   of  glancing    banners    and 

towering  crests,  to  tell  us  that  the  trumpet  call  of  Rupert 

was  worth  a  thousand  men,  and  to  compare  the  freebooters, 

W'ho  rano-ed  themselves  beneath  his  flag,  with  the  mythical 

combatants  of   a  more   chivalrous   era.      How  did   these 

facts  present  themselves  to  the    men  who  without  taking 

part  in,  were  sufterers  by  the  war  ?     The  Parliament  had 

great  pecuniary  advantages  over  the  King,  yet  the  pay  of 

the  soldiers   was    constandy    in    arrear,    and   ''  outrages, 

which     no     authorit)-     under    such    circumstances    could 

restrain,  continued  to  spread  dismay  through  the  country." 

The  condition  of  the  army  of  the  Crown  may  be  gathered 

from  a  thousand   sources,   everywhere   there   is  the  same 

complaint,  "  our  soldiers'  pay  is  in  arrear,  our  own  means 

are   exhausted,   without  money   we   cannot   continue  th(! 

strueele  unless   indeed  we   make   the   war  support  itsclt.' 

Eloquent  is  the  accidental  testimony  of  the  actors  in  this 

o-rc^at    trau'odx',    and   such  exi^ressions   as   those   of  Lord 

Grandison,  "  these   arc   the   reasons   tha:  keep  me  a  day 

lono-er  in  this  burnt  and  plundered    quarter,"  penned  as 

they  were  with   a   far  difterent  purpose,    show  us    how 


1. 


xlvili 


IXTRODUCTION 


much   the  country    suffered  at  the   hands    of  the   com- 
batants. 

The  time  had  arrived  when  Rupert  was  to  measure 
himself  ao'ainst  the  armies  of  the  North.  In  Lancashire, 
Lathom  House  was  besieged  by  the  enemy,  and  its  fall 
would  have  injured  the  cause  of  Charles  far  more  than  its 
real  Importance  merited,  for  It  would  have  been  construed 
into  an  evidence  of  Incapacity  on  the  part  of  the  King  to 
protect  one  of  the  m.ost  important  and  loyal  families  in 
the  land  Rupert,  as  we  have  already  seen,  accomplished 
this  design,  and  thus  far  preserved  his  character  for 
valour  and  success.  He  now  had  an  enemy  to  face  of 
another  kind  from  Mr.  Rigby  of  Preston,  and  his  routed 
forces.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  was  a  soldier,  a  patriot,  and 
a  gentleman,  he  was  as  brave  as  Rupert,  without  his 
rashness  ;  as  honest  as  Hampden,  and  as  generous  as 
Newcastle.  A  stern  disciplinarian,  he  shrunk  from  no 
peril  or  hardship  to  which  his  soldiers  were  exposed,  and 
obtained  ovgr  them  the  mastery  which  indomitable 
couraire,  orenerosltv,  and  klndlv  feelim^  ever  win  from 
men  who  have  the  heart  to  recoi^nlze  and  the  discernment 
to  honour  them.  Fairfax  was  no  Statesman,  and  at 
Westminster  others  won  the  prizes  in  ambitions  fevered 
race,  he  did  not  covet  them,  and  stood  proudly  aloof  from 
every  cabal.  His  cause  was  his  country's  good,  his 
sword  was  ever  at  her  service,  and  through  evil  report 
and  good  report  he  followed  the  dictates  of  his  honour 
and  his  conscience.  Lord  Leven  commanded  the  Scotch 
and  the  Earl  of  Manchester  (under  whom  served  Crom- 
well) commanded  an  independent  army  which  had  recently 
taken  Lincoln.  The  combined  forces  of  the  three 
Generals  Is  estimated  to  have  amounted  to  about  30,000 
men,  and  they  laid  siege  to  York. 


IXTRODUCTION. 


xlix. 


'i1ic    Prince    inarched    ra|)id[y    on     ^  ork,     unitc-d 
Gorini4"'s  troops  with  Iv's  own,  ;iv()ul;/d  tlic  h<>-^ti](,'  ^irinu-s, 
and    entered    the    citv    without    a    battle,      lliis    success 
might   well    have    contented  him.      The  si'jge  was  raised. 
the  enemy  out-generalled,   and   if  he  had   reinforced  the 
li'arrison  his   armv   was   free   for  other  enterprises.     The 
Marquis  of  Newcastle   was   a   man     A    mark  and  valour; 
his  second  in  command.  General  King  Lord  Eythin,  was 
a  soldier  of  approved    reputation   and  skill,      ^^ork  might 
well  have  been  left  to   their    care,   and   Essex  and  \Vall(-r 
mi'eht  have  felt  the   weiij^ht    of  Ru])ert's  sword.      lUit  no  ! 
ever  impetuous,    ever   rash,   ever  anxious   lor  bcUtle  the 
Prince  would  listen   to    no   counsel,    and  be  guided  by  no 
experience  save  his  own.      Within  a  very  short  time  alter 
the  letter  from    Newcastle   was   received    Prince    Rupert 
met  him  in    York.    Newcastle   urged   him   to   be  satisfied 
with  the  success  he  had   achieved  ;   "  discord  he  said  was 
working  in    the  camp   of  the  enemy  ;  the  Scots  were  on 
bad  terms  with  the    English,    the    Independents  with  the 
Presbvterians  ;   Lieutenant  General  Cromwell  with  ?vIaior 
General  Crawford  ;   If  he  must  fight  let  him  at  least  wait 
for  a   reinforcement   of  3,000  men   which    must    shortly 
arrive."       With    scantv    courtesv    Ru])ert    overruled   tlie 
}^larquis,    alleging    the     King's     command    was    that    he 
should  fight   in    any   event,    and,   ordering  the   troops  to 
march,  he  accompained  them  to  INLirston  Moor. 

The  letter  on  which  the  Prince  relied  was  couched 

in  the  following  terms  : 

'*Ticknell,  14th  June,  1O44, 
''  Nepheu^' 

'*  First    I    nuist   congratulate    with    you,    for     yo' 
eood  successes,   assuring  vou,  that  the  things  themselves 


'*  Evclvn'-  l)iarv  and  Cunc-i'i'-i'dicc,  vol.  4,  p.  I41 


11     ( 


1 


I 


INTKODUCTIOX. 


are  no  more  welcom  to  me,  then  that  your  are  the 
meanes.  I  know  the  importance  of  supylying  you  with 
powder,  for  wh'''  I  have  taken  all  possible  wayes,  have  sent 
both  to  Ireland  and  Bristoll.  As  from  Oxford  this  bearer 
is  well  satisfyed  that  it  is  impossible  to  have  at  present, 
but  if  he  tell  you  that  I  may  spare  them  from  hence,  I 
leave  you  to  judg-e.  havini^  but  36  left ;  but  what  I  can 
o-et  from  Bristoll  (of  w''*'  there  is  not  much  certainty  it 
being  threatned  to  be  besieged)  you  shall  have. 

"  But  now  I  must  give  you  the  trew  state  of  my 
affairs,  w'^  if  their  condicion  be  such  as  enforces  me  to 
give  you  more  peremptory  comands  then  I  would  wil- 
lingly doe,  you  must  not  take  it  ill.  If  York  be  lost,  I 
shall  esteeme  my  Crown  little  lesse,  unless  supported  by 
your  suddain  march  to  mee,  and  a  miraculous  conquest  in 
the  south,  before  the  effects  of  the  northern  power  can  be 
found  here,  but  if  York  be  relieved,  and  you  beat  the 
Rebels'  armies  of  both  kingdoms  w'^  are  before  it ;  then, 
but  otherwise  not.  I  may  possibly  make  a  shift  (upon  the 
defensive)  to  spin  out  time,  untill  you  come  to  assist  me. 
Wherefore  I  comand  and  conjure  you  by  the  duety  and 
affecion  w'^  I  know  you  beare  me  that  (all  new  enterprises 
layd  aside)  you  immediately  march  (according  to  yo'  first 
intention)  with  all  your  force  to  the  reliefe  of  York  ;  but  if 
that  be  either  lost,  or  have  freed  themselves  from  the 
besiegers,  or  that  for  want  of  powder  you  cannot  undertake 
that  work  ;  that  }-ou  immediately  march  with  your  whole 
strength  to  Worster.  to  assist  me  and  my  army,  without 
w'-\  or  yo'  having  relie\'ed  York  by  beating  the  Scots, 
all  the  successes  you  can  afterwards  have  most  infallibly 
will  be  useless  unto  me.  You  may  beleeve  that  nothing 
but  an  extreeme  necessity  could  make  me  write  thus  unto 


INTRODUCTION. 


li 


* : 
1* 


> 


you,  wherefore,  in  this  case,  I  can  no  wayes  doubt  of  your 
punctual!  compliance  with. 

''Your  lovino'  Uncle  &  most  faithful  frend, 

-CHARLES  R." 

This  letter  was  written  by  the  King  at  perhaps  the 
most  critical   moment   of  his    military  career.      Secretly 
marching  out  of  Oxford,  which  was  then  threatened  with  a 
siege,  he  made  his  way  to  Worcester,  and  appeared  bent  on 
reaching  Shrewsbury.      His   sudden   departure  drew  the 
Parliamentary    armies    after   him,   and    for    the    moment 
saved    Oxford.       The    movement  commenced   in    llight, 
thoueh   afterwards   it   assumed    ih;'   form  of  an  offensive 
operation,    and     has     been     described    as    masterly    and 
successful  strategy  on  the  part  of  the  King.      Exactly  one 
week  before  the  date  of  this  letter  the  Duke  of  Richmond 
thus   wrote    from   Worcester  to   the    Prince,    'AVe    want 
money,  men,    conduct,    diligence,    provisions,    time,    and 
o-ood    counsel.      Our    hope    rests    chietly   in    your    good 
success."     A  letter   written    by    Eord   Digby  on  the  8th, 
after  crivinLT  an   account  of  the  proceedings  since  the  re- 
solution  to  quit  Oxford  was  adopted,  and  stating  that  the 
Roval  forces   consisted   of  2,000   musketeers   and   2,500 
horse,  besides  the  garrison  of  Evesham,  and  that  that  town 
had  been  abandoned  to,  and  Tewkesbury  occupied  by,  the 
enemy,  proceeds— "  When  I   shall   have  told  your  High- 
ness this  and  that  Essex   comes  upon  us  one  way,  Waller 
likely  to  go  about  us   on   the  Welsh   side   of  Gloucester, 
that    :\Iassey   and   the    Lord    Denbigh  towards    Kidder- 
minster, both  with    considerable  forces  ;  and  when  to  all 
this  I  shall  add  the   uncertainty  as  yet  of  your  Brother's 
succeedin<>-    before     Lvme,    and    that    Oxford    is   scarce 
victualled  for  a  month,   and.   for  ought  we  know,  blocked 


I 

I] 


m 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


1  •*  • 

liU 


up  in  a  manner  bv  the  enemy's  horse,  vour  HiVhness  will 
easilv  frame  to  vourself  an  imaLre  of  our  sad  condition  ;  all 
hopes  ot  relief  to  which,  de})(aKl  upon  your  Mi-hness'  happy 
and  timely  success,  which  his  Majesty  is  rcsoKed  to 
expect  by  defending  this  place  with  his  foot,  unless  there 
shall' be  an  opportunit)'  Q-i\-cn  them  of  putting  them  into 
Bri3tol  and  joining  them  with  Prince  Maurice,  and  then 
remove  with  what  horse  and  dracroons  he  can  make, 
according  as  the  event  shall  give  him  the  opportunity  of 
doing  it  with  most  safety." 

A  few  days  later  Essex  marched  to  Salisbury  and 
thence  to  Lyme  :\vA  ri)mouth,  while  Waller,  with  in- 
sufficient numbers,  was  left  to  watch  the  King.  Charles 
availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  tluis  ottered  him,  and 
on  29th  June,  at  Cropred\-  Bridge,  near  Banbury,  inflicted 
a  defeat  upon  his  enemv,  and  a  few  davs  later  mo\-ed 
westward,  intending  to  do  battle  with  Essex  who  was 
besieging  Exeter. 

The  letter  of  the  King  was  couched  in  far  more 
imperative  terms  than  those  he  ordinarily  emploved.  In 
the  letters  now  published  he  says  he  is  very  much  ''  pleased 
with  a  proposition,  but  will  not  conclude  it  without  your 
advice."  "  I  would  not  have  vou  to  judo-e  bv  our  foolish 
discourses  here,  but  doe   accordinir   to  vour  owon   iudoe- 

O  y  Jo 

ment."  ''  I  ofter  for  vour  consideration  whether  vou  will 
not  rather  bend  towards  Yorkeshire  to  save  mv  Lord 
Newcastle  &  to  beat  the  Scots,  then  to  reduce  Lanca- 
shire." In  this  communication  however,  instead  of 
consulting  his  Nephew,  Charles  excuses  himself  for 
giving  him  peremptory  commands  ;  he  tells  him  if  York 
falls  his  Crown  will  follow,  and  therefore  commands  and 
conjures  Rupert  to  march  to  the  relief  of  that  city  ;   it  is 


Ij 


clear,  too,  that  he  thinks  the  defeat  o{  the  Scotch  army 
absolutelv   necessarv   for   the   preservation   of  the   Town 
for  the  only  chance  he  has  of  spinning  out  time  depends 
on    his    Nephew    relieving    York   and    beating  the    rebel 
armies  of  both    Kim-doms   which   were  before  it — and  at 
the  end   of  the  letter  he   repeats  the  same   idea,   for  he 
adds  "  if  that  York  bo  lost  or   vou   cannot  undertake  that 
work,  immediatelv   march   with   your  whole   strength   to 
Worcester  to  assist  me  and  my  army  ;  without  which,  or 
your  Jiaving  relieved   York  by  beating  the  Seats,    all    the 
success  you  can  afterwards  have  must  infallibly  be  useless 
to  me."     The  language  of  the  letter  appears  to  counten- 
ance the  construction  Prince  Rupert  placed  upon   it,  and 
the  despeiate  condition  of  the  King's  affairs  may  to  some 
extent  justif)  the  risk  so  fatally  run — but  every  leader  of 
an    army    is    bound    to  use   discretion    even    in    obeying 
orders,    and    the   battle   of    ^^larston   as   fought   and   lost 
evidenced   neither  the  prudence  of  a  man    of  the  world, 
nor  the  skill  and  military  qualities  of  a  great  general. 

The  day  after  the  battle.  Clarendon  states  that 
Prince  Rupert  and  the  Marquis  sent  messages  to  one 
another, '^'  "  the  one  that  he  was  resolved,  that  morning,  to 
march  awav  with  his  horse,  and  as  manv  foot  as  he  had 
left;  and  the  other,  that  he  would,  at  that  instant,  repair 
to  the  sea  side,  and  transport  himself  beyond  the  seas  ; 
both  which  they  immediately  performed."  Lord  Iiythin 
accompanied  the  Marquis,  upon  which, t  "  they  who  were 
content  to  spare  the  Marquis  poiu'od  out  all  tho  re[)rOcic]ios 
of  inhdelity,  treason,  and  conjunction  with  his  countrymen 
which,  without  doubt,  was  ''•'  '■'  without  the  least  lounda- 
tion,  or   uTOund   for  anv   such    reproach     '"'      ■'     he  had 


"  Oiarcndon,   vol.  4,  ]'.  51: 
+  elareiv'.dn  vol.  4,  j),  521 


liv 


INTRODUCTION. 


been  prosecuted  by  some  of  his  counirymen  with  the 
highest  maHce,  from  his  very  coming  into  the  King's 
service,  and  the  same  maHce  pursued  him  after  he  had 
left  the  Kingdom,  even  to  his  death."  It  was  evidently 
a  report  that  the  Prince  had  given  countenance  to  these 
rumours  that  called  forth  Lord  Eythin's  remonstrance  of 
23rd  of  January,  1645  [^o.  22.] 

The  letter  of  2Sth  March  [No.  25]  was  written 
by  Sir  Samuel  Tuke,  a  Colonel  in  the  King's  Service. 
General  Porter,  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  commanded  a 
regiment  of  the  Marquis  of  Newcastle's  foot  at  Marston, 
and  at  diflerent  times  held  offices  of  trust  for  the  Crown. 
Differences  arose  between  him  and  his  superior  officer, 
Lord  Goring,  and  each  of  them  in^ipeached  the  loyalty 
and  honour  of  the  other.  Porter  did  his  best  to  justify 
Lord  Goring's  charges  against  him,  by  quitting  his  com- 
mand in  October  1645  '^^^^  hastening  up  to  London  and 
making  his  peace  with  the  Parliament.  Goring,  whose 
career  was  a  lonor  succession  of  curiouslv  varied  treacheries, 
deserted  his  post  at  the  same  time  and  retired  to  France  ; 
almost  his  last  official  act  was  to  issue  an  order  under 
which  /'200  was  paid  to  Porter,  a  sum  that  worthy 
erentleman  emi)loved  to  defra\-  the  cost  of  his  journev  to 
London  and  his  submission  to  the  Parliament. 

Sir  Samuel  Tuke  was  a  faithful  servant  of  the 
Kino*.  In  1648  he  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Rovalists 
in  the  insurrection  which  closed  so  tragically  in  Col- 
chester. He  died  25th  January,  1670,  and  was  a  man 
of  some  consideration  after  the  restoration.  Pepys,  in 
his  diary  under  date  ist  February,  1668-9,  says,  ''at  the 
change,  I  did  at  my  booksellers  shop  accidentally  fall 
into  talk  with   Sir  Samuel   Tuke  about  trees  and    Mr. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Iv 


h 


f 


I 


Evelyn's  garden,  and  I  do  find  him,  I  think,  a  little  con- 
ceited, but  a  man  of  verv  fine  discourse  as  any  I  ever 
heard  almost  ;  which  I  was  mighty  glad  otV  He  was  a 
cousin  of  John  P2velyn,  in  whose  correspondence  and 
diaries  there  are  manv  references  to  him. 

Daniell  O'Neille,  the  writer  of  the  letter  numbered 
26,  was  a  gendeman  of  independent  means,  great  daring, 
and  a  strong  disposition  for  political  intrigue.  Before  the 
war  broke  out  he  was  no  favorite  with  Charles,  for  he 
was  of  the  number  of  those  who  hunted  Strafford  to  his 
doom,  but  when  the  troubles  began,  and  before  a  sword 
was  drawn,  he  perilled  liberty  and  life  in  the  service  of 
the  King. 

He  was  concerned  in  1641  with  Digby,  Wilmot, 
Goring,  and  Ashburnham  in  "  the  army  plot,"  the  object 
of  which  was  to  support  the  King,  uphold  the  Church, 
and  overawe  the  Parliament.  In  a  letter  of  Sir  Edward 
Nicholas  to  the  King,  of  27th  September,  1641,  he  states 
that  O'Neille  and  Sir  J.  Berkeley  had  been  the  day  be- 
fore at  Weybridge,  "  I  w-as  bould  then,"  he  adds,  "  to 
deliver  my  opinion  to  y'  Queene,  that  I  did  beleeve  if 
diey  continued  in  England  they  would  be  arrested,"  and 
two  days  later  he  mentions  that  they  had  been  arrested 
on  the  28th,  'and  y'^  committet^s  would  not  bayle  them, 
though  they  tendered  it,  alledging  they  had  not  power  to 
doe  it."  In  the  margin  of  this  letter  the  King  wrote  "  I 
hope  some  day  they  may  repent  their  severetie."  On 
19th  November  Nicholas  again  wrote  on  this  subject, 
''  The  business  against  O'Neall  is  referred  to  a  select 
comittee  to  be  prepared  ready  for  y'  House  against  Mon- 
day next,  and  some  think  it  \wi\\  be  hardly  heard  then, 
for  albeit  y'  Comons  have  a  very  good  minde  to  proceede 


Iv? 


IXTROnUCTIOX 


IXTRODUCTIOy. 


IvH 


roimdlv  acrainst  him.  vci  (I  Ivarf^  v"  ])rr)r)f^  :ir(,' so  ])roken, 
as  they  will  not  mak(^  .i  full  aivl  (;;«j:irL'  <\-idL:nc(j..  the 
worst  in  all  that  business  is.  that  it  reflects  on  voiir 
Majestic,  as  it  you  hat!  L^ivcn  some  instrucc'ons  concern- 
ing- y'  stirring-  up  y'  army  to  petition  y'  Parliament.  I 
hope  it  will  ap[)ear  that  your  Majestie's  intencions  were 
onlv  to  retevne  v"  arm\-  in  thc^r  clut\'  and  dependance  on 
your  Majestie." 

The  tone  of  the  letter  is  a  curious  (^\ample  of  the 
want  of  confidence  his  adherents  felt  in  Charles.  It  is 
clear  that  Nicholas  was  quite  unaware  of  the  nature  of 
the  letters  referred  to,  and  thought  it  perfectlv  possible 
that  the  King-  might  ha\'e  im})rudently  sanctioned  the 
plot  in  which  the  Parliame-nt  i)ronounced  it  treason  to 
participate. 

O'Xeille  extricated  himself  from  his  embarassino- 
position  by  escaping  from  the  Tower  in  woman's  clothes. 
and  when  a  few  months  later  the  King  raised  his  standard 
O'Nellle  returned  to  England  and  accepted  a  commission 
as  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  Horse  under  Rupert. 

At  different  times  during  the  war  we  find  traces 
of  him.  In  1643  ^"^^  accompanied  the  Earl  of  Antrim  to 
Ireland  and  superintended  <^he  dispatch  of  1.500  men  to 
the  Marquis  Montrose,  who  with  their  aid  set  up  his 
standard  in  Scotland,  and  won  back  half  that  nation  to 
the  King.  At  Marston  he  led  Prince  Rupert's  re'-iment 
of  foot,  and  in  1658  he  accompanied  the  ^Marquis  of 
Ormonde  in  disguise  to  London  and  remained  there  some 
time,  holding  meetings  with  the  Royalists  and  sounding 
them  as  to  the  prospect  of  a  successful  risincr  a^^-alnst 
Cromwell.     After  the  restoration  the  following  entry  in 


Pepys'  diary  seems  to  Imply  that  O'Xeille  was  a  person 
of  some  account.  "  July  3r'd,  1662,  dined  with  the  officers 
of  the  Ordnance,  where  Sir  \V.  Compton,  Mr.  O'Nealle, 
and  other  great  persons  were." 

The  surrender  of  Bristol  by  Prince  Rupert  Is  the 
subject  of  the  finding  of  the  Council  of  war,  held  at 
Newark,  on  21st  October,  1645. 

On  i4tli  June  the  battle  of  Naseby  had  been 
fought.  Although  the  forces  engaged  In  It  were  not  so 
numerous  as  those  w^hlch  contended  at  ^larston,  the 
consequen  es  of  the  defeat  was  far  more  momentous. 
Marston  deprived  the  ^Marquis  of  Newcastle  of  the  north 
of  p:ngland.  Naseby  cost  Charles  his  kingdom.  The 
defeat  was  complete  and  crushing  ;  every  regiment  lost 
its  colors  ;  the  royal  standard  and  those  of  the  Palatine 
Princes  were  captured  ;  nearly  6,00  )  men  were  slain  or 
taken  prisoners  ;  8,000  stand  of  arms,  ammunition,  stores, 
and  above  all  the  secret  correspondence  of  the  Kmg  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemies,  while  the  King  and  Prince 
Rupert  with  difficulty  fled  to  Hereford. 

At  length  the  time  had  arrived  wdien  brave  men 
acknowledged  that  the  struggle  was  hopeless.  Even 
Rupert  bowed  his  hitherto  tameless  spirit  and  vainly 
counselled  peace.  "  If  I  were  desired,"  he  said  In  a  letter 
to  the  Duke  of  Richmond  dated  28th  July,  '' to  deliver 
my  opinion  what  other  wayes  the  King  should  take,  this 
should  be  my  opinion,  which  your  Lordship  may  declare 
to  the  King.  His  INIajesty  hath  now  no  way  left  to 
preserve  his  posterity,  kingdom,  and  nobility,  but  by  a 
treaty." 
-  -      There  were,  it  is  true,  a  few  evil  councillors  left 

H 


iVill 


IN  iKODUCTIOX. 


I 


who  still  urged  the  King  to  continue  his  resistance  ;  chief 
amonof  these  men  was  Lord  Di<d3\',  but  even  he,  while 
insisting"  upon  his  own  views,  thus  describes  the  feeling 
of  the  Royalists.  "  These  hopes,  I  am  confident,  the 
condition  of  our  business  itself  will  bear,  would  the 
humours  of  our  own  party  bear  them  with  patience.  But, 
alas  !  my  Lord,  we  must  not  expect  it,  there  is  such  an 
universal  weariness  of  the  war,  despair  of  a  possibility 
for  the  King  to  recover,  and  so  much  of  private  interest 
grown  from  these  upon  everybody,  that  I  protest  to  God 
I  do  not  know  four  persons  living  besides  myself  and 
you  that  have  not  already  given  clear  demonstration,  that 
they  will  purchase  their  own,  and.  as  they  flatter  them- 
selves, the  kingdom's  quiet,  at  any  price  to  the  King — 
to  the  Church — to  the  faithfulest  of  his  party  ;  and  to 
deal  freely  with  you,  I  do  not  think  it  will  be  in  the 
King's  power  to  hinder  himself  from  being  torced  to 
accept  such  conditions  as  the  rebels  will  give  him,  and 
that  the  next  news  that  you  will  hear,  after  we  have  been 
one  month  at  Oxford,  will  be,  that  I  and  those  few  others, 
who  may  be  thought  by  our  counsels  to  fortify  the  King 
in  firmness  to  his  principles  shall  be  forced  or  torn  from 
im. 

If,  however,  the  King  resolved  to  throw  a  last  cast 
for  empire  he  should  at  least  have  perservered  in  some 
decided  and  manly  policy.  Several  courses  were  open  to 
him  ;  none  were  free  from  danger,  few  presented  much 
prospect  of  ultimate  success  ;  a  daring  spirit,  however, 
would  have  risked  the  evil  they  menaced,  on  the  chance 
however  remote,  of  winning  the  results  they  promised 
as  the  cruerdon  of  success.  Three  distinct  lines  of  action 
were  open  to  Charles.  In  Devon  and  Cornwall  Goring 
still  commanded  7,000  or  8,000   men ;   the  presence  of 


INTRODUCTION. 


lix 


V 


the  King  would  have  kindled  into  enthusiasm  the  decay- 
ing loyalty  of  the   West,   he    would   have  controlled   the 
mad    excesses  of  his  profligate   General,   and  composed 
the  differences  which  threatened  to  disintegrate  his  armies. 
Such  action  was  full  of  peril.     The  conquering  forces  of 
Fairfax,  and  the  invincible  ironsides  of  Cromwell  would 
certainly  have  swept  down  upon  the  King  and  his  last 
^i-my — and  slight  would  have  been  the  chances   of  the 
Western  levies  when  opposed  to  those  veteran  and  un- 
conquered   battalions.      Even   now  every  post  bore  him 
tidin^^s  of  some  fresh  disaster,   and,  fron^i  the  fual  hour 
when  his  power  was  shattered  at   Naseby,  each  day  that 
dawned  seemed  charged   with    messages   of  humiliation 
and  loss.     What  then  were  his  chances  of  success  ?     The 
Scotch  armv  was  at   Hereford,   Goring  had  failed  to  save 
Brid^'-ewater  ;     and    while    the    King    pondered    over    a 
Western  Campaign   the  defeat  at    Lamport  stamped   the 
impulse  with  a   boding  whisper  of  defeat.      It  was  a  des- 
perate venture  and  Charles  could   not  resolve  to  lace  it. 
The  alternative    which    had    its  advocates    and    advant- 
ages  was  to  rouse  the  loyal    inhabitants    oi   Wales ;    to 
^rather   an   armv  in  the  mountains    of   Carmarthen    and 
the  fertile  plains  of  Monmouth,  and  beneath  the  sheltering 
walls  of  Rai'iand   to  marshall  them   for  a  new  campaign. 
The   King  determined  to  follow   out  this  pobcy,   and   it 
was  in  truth  well  suited  to  his  character  and  temperament. 
The  great  influence  of  the  Marquis  of  Worcester  and  his 
son,  impaired  though  it  was  by  the  religion  they  professed, 
had  enormous  weight  in  IMonmouth  and  the  surrounding 
counties.      They  had  made  sacrifices   for  the  royal  cause 
unparalleled  even  in  the  history  of  that  period  of  generous 
self  oblivion  ;   they  were  the  natural  leaders  of  a  people 
who  were  loyal  as  well  as  warlike  ;  and  amid  the  stately 


i 


Ix 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixl 


terraces  and  towers  of  Rae^land.  Charles  could  for  a 
moment  forget  that  he  was  a  fugiti\e,  and  persuade  him- 
self that  with  another  effort  he  could  re-win  his  kingdom 
and  his  crown. 

Charles  was  no  coward  ;  he  proved  his  courage 
on  occasions  where  dancrer  beset  him,  and  neither  in  battle 
nor  in  retreat  did  he  e\-er  disc^race  himself  or  his  roval 
lineage  by  shrinking,  when  they  were  forced  upon  him, 
from  peril,  anxiety,  or  risk.  Nevertheless  his  mind  was 
not  cast  in  a  heroic  mould,  and  the  course  which  promised 
present  ease,  and  oftered  a  fair  prospect  for  the  future, 
had  far  e'reater  attractions  for  him  than  more  darinij^  and 
vigorous  action.  Thus  the  King  accepted  the  hiospitalit)' 
of  his  Cfreat  feudatory,  and  fcastt:d,  hunted,  and  held  his 
court  in  Rai^land.  The  nobk^men  and  Lfentrv  oi  th(^ 
counties  round  resorted  to  him  there  and  pledged  their 
faith  to  him  anew,  and  promised  to  recruit  the  ranks 
which  had  been  so  grievously  thinned  by  folly,  im- 
providence, and  war. 

Such  promises  could  have  deceived  no  one  who 
dispassionately  appraised  their  worth.  The  counties  from 
which  this  new  army  was  to  spring  had  already  been 
drained  of  a  large  part  of  its  youth  and  vigour  ;  regiments 
had  gone  forth  from  thence  to  serve  through  arduous 
campaigns,  only  to  be  decimated  at  Marston,  or  destroyed 
at  Naseby ;  and  it  was  as  unreasonable  to  expect  a 
repetition  of  these  efforts,  as  to  look  for  the  physical 
strength  of  youth  in  the  enfeebled  frame  of  the  aged 
Marquis.  The  country  in  fact  was  worn  out.  and  could  not 
have  redeemed  the  promises  made  for  it  to  the  King  even  if 
it  had  the  will  to  do  so,  and  his  cause  had  been  surrounded 
with  the  prestige  of  success. 


Besides  the  exhaustion  of  the  country  another 
influence  was  working  against  the  King,  the  influence  of 
his  most  unfortunate  temperament. 

As  though  some  malignant  spirit  had  power  over 
him,  it  was  the  hapless  destiny  of  Charles  to  say  nothing 
and  do  nothing  without  equivocation   or  mental  reserve. 
He  never  committed   himself  with  a  whole  heart  to  any 
policy    but   had    always    some  unacknowledged  plan  to 
depend  on  if  the  plans  he   presented  failed  ;  while  if  they 
succeeded  his  alternative  scheme  was  intended  to  modify 
their   effect.      No  one    possessed   his    whole    confidence. 
At  the  moment  of  which  we  are  now  writing  he  had  lost 
the  sympathy  of  the  WY^stern  army  and  the  counties  from 
w'hich  It  was  drawn,  by  the  discovery  that  he  was  treating 
with  the   Confederate   Catholics    in    Ireland  for  th(^  des- 
patch of  a  Catliolic  army  to  the  coast  of  Devon  ;  an  army 
which  men  like  Lord    Hopton   were  expected  to  join,  or 
to  which  they  were  possibly   to  cede  their  position  as  the 
army  of  the  Crown. 

Simultaneously  with  this  mad  and  reckless  insult 
to  the  protestant  feelmg  of  the  country,  Charles  estranged 
the  loyalty  of  the  \\  elsh  by  a  more  open  act  of  perverse 
folly.  He  received  intelligence  that  Hereford  must  sur- 
render to  the  Scotch  army  unless  relieved  within  a  month, 
and  he  therefore  directed  the  Sherifls  of  the  adjoining 
counties  to  summon  the  posse  comiiaiits  in  order  by  that 
means,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Cavalry  who  were  with 
him,  to  raise  the  siege.  A  meeting  was  held  at  Cardift 
and  upwards  of  4,000  attended.  Before  they  consented 
to  take  up  arms,  they  made  representations  of  the  in- 
juries they  had  received  from  General  Gerrard,  and  the 
exactions  he  laid  upon  them.     The  representations  were 


m 


Ixii 


INTRODUCTION. 


Xlll 


INTRODUCTION. 


I 


true,  and  the  King  reluctantly  substituted  Lord  Astley 
for  the  General.  So  far  he  did  what  was  wise,  but  in 
the  same  breath  he  conferred  a  pcerai^^e  upon  Gerrard, 
thus  irritatine  the  \'erv  men  from  whom  he  was  asking- 
assistance,  and  aHenatincr  them  from  his  cause  at  the 
moment  their  aid  was  vitally  important  to  the  success  of 
his  enterprise. 

Havin>"  alienated  both  the  districts  whence  he 
had  hoped  to  recruit  his  armies,  Charles  turned  his 
thou^^'-hts  northward,  and  resolved  to  join  Montrose. 

The  men  that  gallant  adventurer  had  obtained 
from  Lord  Antrim  had  enabled  him  to  do  everything 
short  of  winning  a  kingdom.  Few  as  were  his  troops 
in  number,  deficient  in  arms,  and  wanting  in  discipline,  in 
his  hands  they  were  more  effective  than  the  dense  bat- 
talions oi  the  Covenanters.  He  routed  Elcho  who  had 
6,000  men  under  his  command ;  defeated  Burleigh  ; 
ravaged  the  country  of  Argyle  and  defeated  him  at 
Innerlochv;  marched  60  miles  without  rest  or  food  in 
face  of  an  enemy  whose  overwhelming  number  rendered 
attack  on  him  impossible  ;  gained  successive  victories 
over  Urrie  and  Balllle.  and  fmally  on  15th  August  de- 
feated the  whole  of  his  enemy  at  the  sanguinary  battle  of 
Kilsvth.  At  lenQth  Scotland  was  almost  won  ;  the 
nobles,  who  had  hitherto  feared  to  avow  themselves, 
hastened  to  range  themselves  by  his  side  ;  Edinburgh 
opened  her  gates  and  released  the  imprisoned  Royalists  ; 
the  King's  Commission  was  proclaimed,  and  Montrose 
was  recognized  as  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Captain 
General  of  Scotland. 

Montrose   was  in  the  full  career    of  his   victories 


> ; 


4 


when  the  King,  with  such  forces  as  he  could  collect, 
marched  northward.  Had  he  persevered  In  his  design 
and  pushed  on  w  th  resolution  and  despatch  he  would 
have  joined  Montrose  a  few  days  after  the  victory  of 
Kilsyth,  and,  perhaps,  his  presence  might  have  changed 
the  issue  of  the  war.  Airain,  however,  his  fatal  irresolu- 
tion  betraved  him.  He  was  induced  to  waste  time  in 
Welbeck  and  Doncaster,  and  at  ihc  latter  place  tidings 
reached  him  that  Leslie  and  the  Scotch  horse  were  only 
ten  miles  off.  These  horse  were  hurrying  into  Scotland 
to  arrest  the  tide  of  Montrose's  victories,  and  uphold  the 
falling  cause  of  the  Covenant.  Wearied  with  marching, 
and  dispirited  with  the  evil  news  which  had  summoned 
them  from  Hereford,  the  army  of  Leslie  could  ill  have 
resisted  had  the  King  attacked  them.  Charles,  however, 
made  no  inquiries  ;  he  assumed  the  Scotch  were  in  pur- 
suit of  him,  so  he  turned  his  horses  head  and  ded  to 
Oxford. 

The  King  was  in  this,  his  city  of  refuge,  when 
he  learned  that  Fairfax  was  besieging  Rupert  in  Bristol — ■ 
^'  for  which  nobody  "  (says  Clarendon)  "  underwent  any 
trouble  ;  for  all  men  looked  upon  that  place  as  well 
fortified,  manned,  and  victualled  ;  and  the  King  even  then 
received  a  very  cheerful  letter  from  Prince  Rupert ;  in 
which,  he  undertook  to  defend  it  full  four  months.  So 
that  the  siege  being  begun  so  late  in  the  year  as  the 
be^^inning  of  September,  there  was  reasonable  hope  that 
the  army  might  be  ruined,  before  the  town  taken."'' 

As  early,  indeed,  as  the  28th  July  Rupert  had  writ- 
ten to  Colonel  Legge,  who  was  Governor  of  Chester,  'AVe 
were  never  in  better  condition  than  now.     All  our  officers 


Clarendon,  vol.  5,  p.  249. 


Ixiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


I 


I 


and  soldiers  are  paid  and  billeted  in  town."  and  it  appears 
that  until  after  the  siei^e  was  formed  he  was  confident  of 
beino;  able  successful! v  to  defend  the  citv.""'  It  was  in- 
deed  a  possession  to  be  niaintained  at  any  risk  ;  it  was 
the  most  important  port  in  the  kingdom  save  London  ;  it 
was  the  door  throu^'h  which  the  Continent  could  be 
reached,  and  communications  be  most  easily  held  with 
Ireland,  and  throunrh  it  had  come  most  of  the  muskets, 
ammunition  and  stores  which  had  enabled  the  Kinsf  to 
maintain  the  war. 

We  learn  from  a  declaration  published  by  Prince 
Rupert  that  his  orarrison  consisted  of  2.300.  "but  after 
the  enemy  approached,  his  Hii^hness  could  never  draw 
upon  the  line  above  1.500.  and  it  was  im|)ossible  for  his 
Highness  to  prevent  them  from  getting  o\'er  the  works  ; 
and  manv  of  them  were  new  levied  W^elsh,  and  inex- 
perienced  men."  Some  writers,  however,  represent  the 
force  under  his  command  at  about  4,000  men.+ 

The  old  citv  of  Bristol  stands  between  the  Avon, 
which  bounds  it  on  the  West,  and  the  Frome  on  the 
East,  in  a  species  of  peninsular  formed  by  those  two 
rivers.  On  the  South,  where  the  two  rivers  meet,  was 
some  waste  crround  called  the  marsh,  while  on  the  North 
a  deep  canal  from  the  A\'on  to  the  Frome  protected  the 
city  from  attack  ;  beyond  the  canal  was  the  castle,  sur- 
rounded by  a  broad  moat  and  fortified  by  massive  walls. 
The  old  city  appears  to  have  been  surrounded  by  fortifica- 
tions of  no  great  strength. 

When  the  war  broke  out,  Colonel  Fiennes,  who 
held  the  city  for  the  Parliament,  erected  an  outer  ring  of 

*  Warburton's  Prince  Rupert,  vol.  3.  p.  151. 
t  Markham's  Fairfax,  246  note. 


INTRODUCTI0>". 


Ixv 


fortifications  ;  they  consisted  of  a  wall  and  moat  and  ten 
towers,    besides   redoubts.       These    forts   and   the    castle 
mounted  i  lo  guns,  and  the  line  to  be  defended  was  about 
four  miles  in  length.     Prince  Rupert  In   his  declaration 
alleged  that  his  supply  of  ammunition  was  reduced  to  136 
barrels,  which  was  Insufticient  for  a  siege  of  any  duration  ; 
that  the  fortifications  were  for  the  most  part  only  three 
feet  hicdi  but  never  exceeded  Hvi^  feet  ;  that  the  ditch  was 
nowhere   deeper  than  five  feet  or  wider  than  seven  leet  ; 
and  that  the  highest  jjortions  of  the  forts  were  not  more 
than  twelve,   nor  the  curtains  more  than  ten  teet  high. 
Notwithstanding  the  conditions  of  the  fortifications  the 
judgment  of  the  Colonels  of  Posts  Mas,  "that  notwithstand- 
ing the  works  and  line  were  very  defective,  the  circuit 
large,  our  numb  ;rs  few,  yet  if  we  could  repel  one  general 
storm,  the  enemy  would  be  discouraged  from  attempting 
the    second   time ;    and   the    season  ^of   the    year    might 
advantage  us,  and  incommode  them.' 

On  2 1  St  August,  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  appeared 
with  his  army  before  Bristol,  and  on  that  and  the  follow- 
ing davs  the  siege  was  formed,  and  for  ^-ome  days  after- 
wards the  soldiers  of  Fairtax  were  occupied  in  preliminary 
work  in  trenches,  and  in  repulsing  the  almost  daily  sallies 
which  were  made  by  the  garrison. 

The  slow  operations  of  a  siege,  however,  were 
unsuited  to  the  dispositions  of  Fairfax  and  Cromwell, 
and  at  a  Council  of  war,  held  on  the  2nd  September,  it 
was  unanimously  resolved  that  the  city  should  be  taken 
by  storm. 

Before  resorting  to  this  step  Fairfax  took  an 
unusual  and  remarkable  course-after  summoning  Prince 


4 
111 

4 

u 


Ixvl 


INTROMlTIOX. 


INTRODUCTION. 


\ 


IXVII 


Rupert  to  surrender,  he  thus  continued — "  I  wish  it  may 
be  as  effectual  with  you  as  it  is  satisfactory  to  myself  that 
I  do  a  little  expostulate  with  you  about  the  surrender  of 
the  city,  which  I  confess  is  a  way  not  common,  and  which 
I  should  not  have  used,  but  in  respect  to  such  a  person 
and  such  a  place.  I  take  into  consideration  your  Royal 
birth  and  relation  to  the  Crown  of  Enirland,  vour  honour, 
courage,  and  the  virtue  of  your  person,  and  the  strength 
of  that  place  which  you  may  think  yourself  bound  and 
able  to  maintain."  Then  followed  an  argument  to  prove 
that  Parliament  were  really  fighting  in  the  Interest  of  the 
Crown,  and  that  the  Kinir'^  worst  enemies  were  the  evil 
councillors  who  estranged  him  from  his  people  ;  and  then 
he  added  : 

'*  Sir,  ii^  God  make  this  clear  to  you  as  It  is  to 
us,  I  doubt  not  but  he  will  give  you  a  heart  to  deliver 
this  place,  notwithstanding  all  the  other  considerations  of 
honour,  courage,  fidelity,  &c.,  because  their  consistency 
and  use  in  the  present  business  depend  upon  the  right 
and  wTongfulness  of  this  that  hath  been  said.  And  if, 
upon  such  conviction  you  should  surrender  it,  and  save 
the  loss  of  blood,  or  hazard  of  spoiling  such  a  city,  it  would 
be  an  occasion  glorious  in  Itself  and  joyfull  to  us,  for  the 
restoring  of  you  to  the  endeared  affections  of  the  Parlia- 
ment and  people  of  England — the  truest  friends  to  your 
family  it  hath  in  the  world." 

''  But  if  this  be  hid  from  your  eyes,  and  that 
through  your  wilfulness,  this  so  great,  so  famous,  so 
ancient  a  city,  and  so  full  of  people,  be,  by  you,  putting 
us  to  force  the  same,  exposed  to  ruin  and  the  extremity 
of  war,  which  yet  we  shall  In  that  case  as  much  as  possible 
endeavour  to  prevent;  then  I  appeal  to  the  righteous  God 


r 


to    be  judge  between  you  and   us,   and   to   requite    the 


wron^; 


''And  let  all  Elngland  judge  whether  the  burning 
of  Its  towns,  ruining  its  cities,  and  destroying  Its  people 
be  a  good  requital  from  a  person  of  your  family,  which 
hath  had  the  prayers,  tears,  purses,  and  blood  of  its 
Parliament  and  Its  people  ;  and,  If  you  look  on  either  as 
now  divldjd,  which  hath  ever  had  the  same  party  both 
In  Parliaments,  and  amongst  the  people  most  zealous  for 
their  assistance  and  restitution,  which  )ou  now  oppose 
and  seek  to  destroy,  and  whose  constant  grief  hath  hocn 
that  their  desires  to  serve  vour  family  have  ever  been 
hindered  and  made  fruitless  by  that  same  party  about  his 
Majesty,  whose  councils  you  act.  and  whose  interest  you 
pursue  in  this  unnatural  war." 

It  Is  impossible  to  know  whether  this  appeal  made 
any  impression  on  the  mind  of  Rupert,  but  it  may  well 
have  found  an  echo  thc-re.  He  h^id  now  been  thrc^e  years 
in  FaKdand,  and  his  track  had  been  marked  by  ruined 
cities,  plundered  homesteads,  and  desolate  hearths  ;  he 
had  earned  the  bitter  curses  of  the  Roundheads,  and  by 
far  seelnir  Cavaliers  was  regarded  with  suspicion  and 
distrust  ;  he  had  done  his  Sovereign  no  service,  and 
secured  nothing  for  himself.  W^nat  was  to  be  the  Issue 
of  the  strife  ?  and  what  the  advantage  of  protracting  it  ^ 
If  he  held  the  citv  for  six  months  where  was  the  army  of 
relief  by  which  the  siege  could  then  be  raised  ?  1  he 
Kine  mleht  relieve  Hereford  or  feast  at  Ragland— could 
he  collect  an  army  wherewith  to  baffle  Fairfax  and  Crom- 
well ?  and  was  he,  Rupert,  to  sacrifice  the  lives  of  his 
brave  garrison  in  order  to  protract  for  a  few  months  longer 
a  vain  defence  ^ 


1... 
XVI 11 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixix 


He  must  have  felt  the  truth  of  the  remonstrance 
of  Fairfax.  The  men  who  had  striven  to  uphold  his 
Father's  Throne  were  the  Parliament  and  people  of 
England  ;  the  men  who  had  checked  their  enthusiasm 
and  thwarted  their  endeavours  were  the  King  and  the 
courtiers  bv  whom  he  was  surrounded  and  led.  He 
must  have  felt,  too,  that  his  own  exertions  had  all  been 
levelled  against  the  friends  of  his  house  and  name,  and 
that  he  had  thrown  in  his  lot  wi'h  the  men  whose 
assistance  mi'^ht  have  saved,  but  whose  Indifference 
accomplished  the  overthrow  of  his  Father  and  his  Father's 
cause. 

The  Immediate  result  of  the  summons  of  Fairfax 
was  a  correspondence  with  the  Prince  as  to  the  terms  on 
which  the  city  should  be  rendered  u[).  Such  a  negotiation 
cannot  be  justified.  A  few  days  earlier  Rupert  pledged 
himself  to  maintain  Bristol  against  the  enemy  for  full  four 
months — and  now,  before  a  serious  blow  was  struck,  before 
an  assault  was  even  menaced,  hc^  negotiated  for  the  betrayal 
of  the  trust  he  was  bound  as  a  soldier  and  a  (gentleman 
to  perform.  Neither  is  the  matter  rendered  less  culpable 
by  his  own  declaration,  for  one  of  the  statements  It  con- 
tains is,  that  at  the  Council  of  w-ar  where  resistance  was 
resolved  on,  the  Prince  made  the  following  proposal. 
"His  Highness  made  offer,  that,  for  his  own  person,  he 
would  attempt  to  break  through  with  his  horse,  with  such 
officers  as  could  be  spared,  leaving  such  as  were  requisite 
for  the  fort  and  castle  This  by  all  us,  the  Colonels  of 
Posts  and  officers,  was  thoucrht  neither  safe  or  honorable. 
In  the  second  place  he  oftered  to  put  himself  on  the 
defence  of  the  castle  and  fort.  All  the  officers  were 
clear  of  opinion  against  this  ;  that,  as  regards  to  the 
nobility  and  gentry,  and  such  of  the  town  as   appeared 


I 


^ 


i  I 


well  aflected,  and  the  horse  and  foot  which  the  fort  and 
castle  could  not  receive,  had  been  thereby  left  to  the 
sword  of  the  enemy  ;  and  in  regard  the  fort  and  castle, 
In  our  opinions,  were  not  tenable  against  their  army." 

The   correspondence    between    Fairfax   and    the 
Prince  was  terminated  by  the  former  on  the  9th  Septem- 
ber, and  he  resolved  to   carry  the  town  by  assault  on  the 
following  dav.     At   two   o'clock  on   the   morning  of  the 
loth  the  assault  was  accordingly  made  ;  it  was  bravely 
resisted,  and   for  three   hours    the    Royalists    held   then- 
ground.     At  length  the  weight  of  numbers  prevailed,  the 
Priors   Hill   Fort,  which  was  the  main  object  of  attack, 
was    carried,    two    of    the    gates    were    taken,    and    the 
Dragoons  of  Desborough  galloped  Into  the  town.    Rupert*" 
still  held  the  remainder  of  the  forts  in  the  outer  line  of 
defences,  the  whole  of  the  inner  line,   the  castle,  and  the 
suburb  of  Redcliffe  ;  he  was  not  pressed  for  provisions  or 
ammunition,   and  could  doubtless  have  held  both  town 
and  castle  for  a  considerable  time.     Yet  four  hours  after 
the  capture  of  Prior's   Hill   P^ort  he  made  overtures  for 
surrender,     and    after    a    short   negotiation    terms    were 
arranged.      The    o-arrison    was    to    march    out    with   the 
honours  of  w^ar,  but  the  fortifications  were  to  be  delivered 
up  intact,  the  stores  were  to  be  handed  over,  the  cannon, 
ammunition,  materials  of  war,  even  the  very  muskets  of 
the  soldiers  were  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  besiegers, 
and  on  such  conditions  the  great  city,  which  for  so  long 
had  been  the  principal  stronghold  of  the  Crown,  opened 
her  eates  to  the  e^^nerals  and  armv  of  the  Parliament. 

Rupert  mistook  his  position;  it  was  not  his  province 
to  consider  the  policy  of  the  defence.      Intrusted  by  the 


Markham'b  Fairfax,  \).  252. 


Ixx 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixxi 


King  with  great  command  he  had  one  only  duty,  and  was 
bound  by  every  consideration  of  gratitude  and  military 
fidelity  to  perform  it  ri^^idly.  That  duty  was  to  hold 
Bristol  to  the  last,  and  if  he  had  possessed  one  tithe  of 
the  steady  resolution  his  brilliant  courage  promised, 
Fairfax  might  have  been  kept  at  bay  for  months.  The 
chances  of  defending  the  castle  and  some  of  the  forts 
were  at  least  equal  to  those  of  IMassey  when  the  siege  of 
Gloucester  was  formed  ;  had  they  been  a  hundred-fold 
less  favourable  the  hopelessness  ot  his  position  could  not 
have  altered  the  duty  of  the  Prince.  Nevertheless 
Bristol  was  surrendered,  and  Rupert  gallantly  arrayed 
rode  out  of  the  abandoned  city  ;  his  banners  were  flying, 
his  drums  were  beating,  and  all  the  state  and  circumstance 
of  war  adorned  that  melancholy  pageant.  Rupert  marched 
out  of  Bristol,  and  of  all  that  was  his,  left  there  nothing 
save  honour. 

The  terrible  and  unexpected  tidings  reached  the 
astonished  King.  Bristol  had  fallen,  yet  Rupert  lived 
and  was  unharmed.  The  man  who  had  rendered  himself 
conspicuous  by  reckless  courage  had  turned  craven  ;  the 
Nephew  indebted  to  him  for  rank,  favour,  and  countless 
benefits  had  betrayed  him  ;  the  Councillor  in  whom  he 
trusted  had  proved  false  to  every  promise,  and  deserted 
his  Master  when  he  might  have  saved  the  Crown. 

At  the  side  of  Charles  stood  his  evil  ecnius. 
Digby,  afterwards  Lord  Bristol,  was  the  secret  enemy  of 
Rupert  ;  for  months  he  had  plotted  his  ruin,  and  now  the 
misconduct  of  the  Prince  and  his  own  fortune,  enabled 
him  to  accomplish  it.  He  used  his  varied  powers  to 
persuade  the  King  he  was  betrayed,  and,  without  afford- 
ing opportunity    for   explanation  or  time   for  argument, 


Charles  dismissed  his  Nephew  from  all  his  employments 
and  commands. 

Simultaneously  with  this  hasty  sentence,  the  King 
wrote  a  letter  to  Rupert  which  expressed  in  noble 
language  his  bitterness  and  grief.  It  was  worthy  the 
occasion  and  the  man,  and  is  one  of  a  series  of  documents 
which  would  have  stamped  their  author  as  the  ablest 
writer  of  the  age,  even  if  the  tragic  interest  which  sur- 
rounds his  story  had  not  partially  disarmed  criticism  and 
softened  political  wrath. 

''  Nepheu, 

''  Thoutrh  the  loss  of  Bristol  be  a  crreat  blow  to  me, 
yet  your  surrendring  it  as  you  did,  is  of  so  much  affliction 
to  me,  that  it  makes  me  foro^et  not  onlv  the  consideration 
of  that  place,  but  is  lykewaies  the  greatest  tryall  of  my 
constancy  that  hath  yet  befalen  me  ;  for  what  is  to  be 
done  after  one,  that  is  so  neer  me  as  you  ar,  both  in  blood 
and  friendship,  submits  himself  to  so  meane  an  action  ? 
(I  give  it  the  easiest  term)  Such  "'  '"  "'  *  I  have 
so  much  to  say,  that  I  shall  say  no  more  of  it :  only,  lest 
rashness  of  judgment  be  layed  to  my  charge,  I  must 
remember  you  of  your  letters  of  the  12th  of  August, 
whereby  you  assured  me  (that  if  no  mutiny  hapned,)  you 
would  keep  Bristol  for  fower  months.  Did  you  keep  it 
fower  days  ?  Was  there  anything  like  mutiny  ?  More 
questions  might  be  asked,  but  now,  I  confesse  to  little 
purpose.  My  conclusion  is,  to  desyre  you  to  seek  your 
subsistence  untill  it  shall  please  God  to  determine  my 
condition  somewhere  beyond  seas  ;  to  which  end  I  send 
you  herewith  a  passe,  and  I  pray  God  to  make  you 
sensible  of  your  present  condition,  and  give  you  means  to 
redeme  what  you  had  lost ;  for  I   shall  have  no  greater 


If 


i 


I    i 


Ixxii 


INTRODUCTION, 


joy  in  a  victory,   than  a  just  occasion   without  blushing 
to  assure  you  of  my  being- 

*'  Your  loving  Oncle  and  most 
"  Faithful  Friend 

"CHARLES  R. 
''  Hereford,  14th  Sept.  1645." 

A  letter  from  the  King  to  Secretary  Nicholas 
dated  also  Hereford,  the  14th  September,  proves  that  he 
thought  his  Nephew  had  betrayed  him.  It  enclosed 
copies  of  his  letters,  a  warrant  to  arrest  Colonel  Legge, 
the  Governor  of  Oxford,  who  was  known  to  be  devotedly 
attached  to  Rupert,  "  and  lastlye,  a  warrant  to  be  directed 
to  w^hat  person  shall  be  thought  fittest  for  the  apprehen- 
inge  my  Nepheu  Rupert,  in  case  of  such  extreamitye  as 
shall  bee  hereafter  specifyed,  and  not  otherwise  '"  "" 
the  warrant  for  my  Nepheu's  comitment  is  onlye  that 
you  may  have  the  power  to  doe  it,  if  instead  of  submitting 
to,  and  obeying  my  commands  in  going  beyond  the  sea, 
you  shall  find  that  he  practise  the  raysinge  of  mutinye  or 
anv  other  disturbance."  The  King  added  the  following 
paragraph  in  a  postscript  "Tell  my  Sone  that  I  shall  lesse 
greeve  toheere  that  he  is  knoked  in  the  head  then  that 
he  should  doe  so  meane  an  action  as  is  the  rendring  of 
Bristoll  Castell  &  Fort  upon  the  termes  it  was." 

Rupert  replied  to  the  King's  letter  : 

"  To  the  King 

''  Sire, 

**  I  have  received   both  your   letters  of  the  same 

tenor,    from   Ragland,''^"  September    14th  with  the   other 


*  The  letter  dismissing  Rupert  is  dated  Ragland,  September  14th,  though 
the  second  letter  is  dated  from  Hereford.  The  fact  is  explained  thus  :— it  appears 
by  the  iter  Carolimtm  that  the  King  was  at  Kogland  from  nth  to  the  I4.th 
September,  on  that  day  the  following  is  the  entry  "Abergavenny  dinner  14th. 
Sunday  the  14th  to  Monmouth,  dinner  the  Governors;  to  Hereford  supper." 


INTRODUCTION. 


1«  •  ♦ 
XXUl 


intimations  of  your  pleasure  of  the  same  tlate,  which,  as 
far  as  my   power  can    make  them,   are   already  obeyed  : 
my  not  havin-any  command,  or  meddlinoin  your  service, 
renderin-  it  very  easy  forme  to  comply  with  your  will  to 
have  it  so  ;  for  no  other  motive  or  consideration  hrst  or 
last  made  me  an  actor  but  to  do   you   service,  and  that 
as  vou  desired.      How  I  have  behaved    myself,   from  the 
bec^innins;  until  the  misfortune  of  your  command  engaged 
me' in    Bristol,   from   inferior  persons    I    shall   not  desire 
.greater  justification  or  applause  than  that  which    1   have 
received  from  vour  Maj;-sty,   wherefore  I  pass  all  iormer 
tim-s   without   mention,   and  come    to   this  ;    ot    which   I 
only  sav,   that  if  your    Majesty   had    vouchsafed  me   so 
much  patience  as  to  hear  me   inform  you  beiore  \ou  had 
made  a  final   judgment-I  will  presume  to  present  this 
much-that  vou  would  not  have  c  nsured  me  as  it  seems 
you  do  ;  and  that   I   should    have  given  you  as  just  satis- 
faction as  in  anv  former  occasion,   though  not  so  h.api)y. 
But  since  there  is  so  great   appearance  that  1  must  sufler 
that  it  is  alreadv  decreed  ;  what  otherwise  1    should  have 
desired  to  have  given  your  Majesty  an  account,  now  1  am 
obli^^ed  to  seek  for  my  own  clearing  :  that  what  you  wi.l 
have  me   bear,    max"   he   with   as   much    honour   to  me  as 
belongs  to  integrity.      If  your   Majesty   will  admit  me  to 
that  opportunity,  I  desire   to  wait   on  you   to  that  end  as 
soon  as  I  can,   when    I    know    I    have  your  leax  e   for  it, 
which    I   humbly   desire   to   have.      li    1  must  be  so  un- 
fortunate not  to  to  be  allowed  (if  since  the  Hrst  duty  that 
I  owe   which  is  to  Nour  Majesty,    is    not   suitcred   me.   to 
perform  wherein  else  1  should  rest)  in    the    next   place    I 
owe  mvself  that  justice  as  to  publish  to  the  world  what  I 
think  will   clear  mv  erring,   in   all  this   business  now  m 
question,  from   any   ioul   deed   or  neglect,,   and  vindicate 


Ixxiv 


iXTRODUCTIOX. 


INTRODUCTION. 


1 


!XXY 


me  from  your  desert  of  any  prevailiiiL;'  malice.  thoii;^^h  I 
suffer  it  Your  commands  that  I  should  dispose  of  my- 
f.elf  somewhere  beyond  seas,  be  pleased  to  consider  of, 
whether  it  be  in  my  |)o\ver  (though  you  have  sent  me  a 
pass)  as  times  now  are,  to  go  by  it.  Wdierever  I  am,  or 
how  unhappy  so  ever,  and  by  your  will  made  so,  yet  I 
ever  retain  that  duty  to  your    Majesty  which  I  have  ever 


as 


''Your  Majesty's  most  humble,  and  most 

obedient  Nephew,  and  faithful  humble  servant, 

-RUPERT. 
"September,  1645." 

The  letter  of  Rupert  was  not  couched  in  courtly 
language,  but  it  correcth"  portrayed  the  state  of  his 
haughty  and  ungoverned  spirit.  He  had  right  on  his 
side  when  he  complained  of  being  condemned  unheard 
and  demanded  an  enquiry  into  his  conduct,  but  the 
taunts  with  which  his  remonstrance  and  demand  were 
mingled  sat  ill  on  the  partizan  who  had  endangered  his 
Uncle's  Crown.  Perhaps  the  Royal  pass  was  no  longer 
available  in  an  outport  ;  but  it  was  not  for  the  man  who 
rendered  up  the  last  and  most  important  of  them  thus  to 
reproach  his  Sovereign  with  its  loss.  Possibly  if  his 
demand  had  been  refused  him,  he  might  justly  have  pre- 
pared and  published  the  vindication  of  which  his  letter 
spoke  ;  until  that  refusal  had  l3een  given,  he  had  no  right 
to  menace  the  King  witli  such  a  step. 

Rupert  determined  to  seek  Charles  and  win  from 
his  justice  or  fears  a  retractation  of  the  stigma  cast  upon 
him — but  where  w;is  the  King  from  7th  September  to 
14th  October  ?  When  he  finally  reached  Newark,  he 
had  wandered  from  Ragland  to  Chirk,  from  Hereford  to 


Chester,  amid  the  mountains  of  Wales,  across  the  broad 
plain  of  Shropshire,  thence  back  again  to  where  the 
statelv  castle  towered  above  the  rapid  Severn  and  the 
terraced  houses  of  Bridgnorth,  and  then,  turning  East- 
ward, rested  for  a  while  in  the  Close  of  Lichfield. 

"Often."  savs  Mr.  Disraeli.''  "the  King  rode  hard 
through  th(;  night,    and  saw  the  l^reak  oi  day,  wluch  only 
recalled    the    weary    fugitive   to   the    anxious    cares  ot    a 
retreat,  or  a  pursuit.      Once,  latcnn  tlie  (evening,  the  King 
summoned  sevenil   gendemen    together,    and   atcr   their 
conference,    he.  dism.ssc^d  them    to    their  beds    with    this 
pathetic   address,    "Gentlemen!    go   \  ou   ciiid    take   your 
rest,  for  you  have  houses  .iiid    homes,  and  beds  to  lodge 
in,  and  tamilies  to   love   and  live  with — but  1  have  nonc^, ; 
My  horse  is  waiting  for   me   to  travel   all   this  night,  and 
return  to  th(^  place  whence  I  came."      The  Kingliad  long 
been  like  a  hunted   partridge  fiitting   from  one  ground  to 
another — this  is  an   aflecting   imager   given   of  his  erratic 
and  anxious  courses." 

After  manv  wanderings  Charles  had  reached 
Newark.  That  town  was  conveniendy  placed  either  for 
a  retreat  on  Oxford,  or  for  a  march  Northward,  should 
the  King  determine  on  a  junction  with  Montrose.  Rupert 
resolved  to  eo  there,  and  fought  his  way  with  a  troop  o( 
Officers  and  attendants  to  Belvoir  Castle.  When  Cliarles 
heard  of  his  Nephew's  approach,  Ik'  wrote  a  letter  to  him 
requiring  him  '"to  stay  at  Belvoir'  till  huaher  orders,  and 
reprehending  him  for  not  havmg  given  obedience  to  liis  for- 
mer commands."  Nevertheless,  tlie Prince  persevered, and 
the  Garrison  of  Newark  with  Sir  I^ichard  Willis,  the  Gover- 
nor, accompanied  by  Lord  Gerrard  and  a   hundred  horse 


*  Disraeli'  Cc  mnientane-  <^n  t]:c  Life  (>f  Charlc<  T.,  vol  5,  p.  lo;;,  c-dit.  1831. 


Ixxvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


rode  two  miles  out  of  the  town  to  welcome  Irim.  \\  ith 
scantv  courtesy,  and  none  of  that  ceremonious  observance 
which  his  duty  to  the  Kin--  should  havt^  exacted  trom 
him,  Rupert  forced  himself  into  the  Royal  presence,  and 
stated  h('  had  come  to  account  for  th(!  loss  ot  Bristol. 

Charles,  justly  offended  at  the  conduct  of  Rupert, 
barely  acknowled-^ed  his  presence,  and  spoke  but  little  to 
him,  and  then  His  ^Lajestv,  sa\-s  Sir  Edward  \\\ilker, 
went  to  supper.  Prince  Rupert  and  his  brother  standing 
by,  his  Majesty  addressing;  himself  in  discourse  to  Prince 
Maurice.  On  the  followin-^^  dav  however,  the  KinL;- 
o-ranted  a  Ccu.::.i!  of  \\';u-,  and  the  resolutions  then  arrived 
at  are  embodied  in  the  document,  dated  March  2TSt 
October,  1645.  (Xo.  27).  The  fmdin^-  of  the  Council  was 
deemed  a  triumph  by  the  adherents  of  Rupert,  yet  it  went 
no  further  than  to  pronounce  that  he  had  shewn  no  want 
courage  and  fidelity,  it  did  not  acquit  him  of  the  gravest 
Indiscretion  or  want  of  judgment,  excused  the  errors  of 
his  military  career  at  'J^e  expense  of  his  intellect,  and  pro- 
nounced him  at  the  same  time  a  loyal  and  incompetent 
captain. 

The  King,  whose  position  at  Newark  was  perilous, 
resolved  to  leave  the  town.  He  had.  however,  been  there 
loneenoucrh  to  know  that  Sir  Richard  Willis  and  his  Officers 
had  committed  great  excesses,  that  they  had  treated  the 
neighbourhood  as  an  enemy's  country,  and  were  regarded 
with  hatred  and  fear  bv  those  who  would  under  other 
circumstances  have  been  devoted  to  his  cause.  The  Royal 
Commissioners  who  comprised  the  principal  gentlemen 
of  the  county  round  were  alienated,  they  had  performed  their 
difficult  duty  with  fidelity  and  zeal,  but  they  could  not  be 
expected  to  persevere  in  their  eftbrts  if  their  property  and 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixxvii 


I 


dependents  were  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  an  insolent  soldiery 
and  their  pampered  chiefs.  Charles  resolved  to  commit 
the  town  to  other  and  more  trustworthy  keeping,  and  he 
Informed  Willis,  with  many  gracious  expressions  Intended 
to  break  his  fall,  that  he  was  on  the  eve  of  quitting  Newark, 
and  that  (as  he  proposed  to  raise  him  to  the  position  of 
Captain  of  his  Horse  Guards,  in  place  of  the  Earl  oi 
Lichfield,  recently  slain  at  Chester)  he  would  take  him 
with  him,  leaving  Lord  Bellasis  as  governor  in  his  room. 

Willis  remonstrated,  but  in  vain,  and  then  with- 
drew fron-i  the  presence  chamber.  In  a  short  time 
however,  he  [fathered  about  him  the  Palatine  Princes, 
Lord  Gerrard.  and  others  of  their  laction,  and  accompanied 
by  them  ao-ain  forced  himself  on  the  attention  of  the 
Kino-,  Prince  Rupert  said  that  Willis  was  dismissed 
''for  no  fault  that  had  been  committed,  but  for  being  his 
friend"  ;  Lord  Geriard  denounced  Digby  as  a  traitor,  and 
said  he  had  instigated  the  step  now  taken,  while  Willis 
himself,  whom  the  King  wished  to  speak  with  apart,  re- 
fused to  follow  him,  declaring  that  he  had  received  a 
public  Injury,  and  therefore  that  he  expected  a  public  satis- 
faction. 

The  malcontents  aroused  the  slumbering  passion 
of  the  Klne.  Misfortune  had  dogged  his  steps,  he  was 
fiyino-  from  his  enemies,  he  had  few  indeed  on  whom  he 
could  rely,  but  he  disdained  to  submit  to  insults  in  his 
own  presence  chamber,  or  endure  from  ofiicers  ^\ho  held 
his  commission  Insolence  greater  tlian  he  had  ever  yet 
experienced  from  those  who  fought  agcdiist  him. 

Charles  had  almost  unexampled   self-control  ;    the 
news  of  the  murder  of  Buckingham  had  not  disturbed  his 


IxxviH 


INTRODUCTION. 


devotions,  the  intelligence  that  he  was  betrayed  did  not 
prevent  him  from  finishing  a  game  of  chess — but  now, 
remembering  he  was  a  King,  he  regarded  the  men  before 
him  with  dcc^p  resentment,  and  commanded  them  to 
depart  from  his  presence  and  enter  it  no  more. 

They  left  him,  yet  made  one  more  effort  to  change 
his  resolution.  They  presented  a  remonstrance,  desiring 
that  those  of  them  who  were  deemed  unworthy  or  inca- 
pable should  be  tried  by  a  Council  of  War,  and  that  if  the 
charo-es  ao-ainst  them  were  disproved,  the  King  "  would 
c/rant  them  either  reparation  in  honour  against  their 
enemies  or  liberty  to  pass  into  other  parts."  Clarendon'"'' 
states  that  in  presenting  this  remonstrance  the  petitioners 
said,  "  they  hoped  his  Majesty  would  not  look  upon  this 
action  of  theirs  as  a  mutiny."  The  K^ng  answered 
"  he  would  not  cliristen  it  ;  but  it  looked  very  like  one. 
As  to  the  Court  of  \\\ar  he  would  not  make  that  a  judge  of 
his  actions,  but  for  the  papers  they  should  be  immediately 
prepared  for  as  many  as  desired  to  have  them." 

There  must  have  been  sad  hearts  as  the  trumpets 
of  Prince  Rupert  sounded  to  horse,  and  at  the  head  of 
some  200  gentlemen  he  turned  his  back  upon  his  uncle, 
and  slowly  rode  away.  There  must  have  been  much  of 
ano-er.  of  bitterness,  of  offended  pride  in  the  men  who 
followed  him  ;  some  of  theni  had  faithfully  served  their 
King  from  the  commencement  ot  the  troubles,  with 
coura'^e  and  f!delit^^  thoui-li  not  alwavs  with  wisdom  and 
success  ;  most  of  them  had  risked  all  that  they  had  to  lose 
on  the  issue  of  the  war  ;  among  their  ranks  was  many  a 
man  of  great  possessions  and  ancient  name—  and  now 
thev  must  wander  forth  into  the  world  exiles   and  adven- 


Clarendon  Vol;  5,  p.  295,  360.     Warburton  Vol.  3,  p.  2CX3.  Et  seg. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixxi^ 


X 


turers,  without  fortune,  without  employment,  without 
even  the  favour  of  the  Sovereign  for  whom  they  had 
made  these  sacrifices,  to  seek  a  precarious  subsistance  as 
mercenaries  in  foreign  armies,  or  pensioners  at  foreign 
Courts. 

And  he,  too,  the  deserted  King,  beset  by  advanc- 
ing armies,  a  fugitive,  yet  hesitating  to  leave  the  sheltering 
walls  around  him,  what  must  have  been  his  reflections  as 
his  alienated  subjects  marched  forth  ?  Now,  more  than 
ever,  he  needed  Rupert's  fiery  courage  and  decision  of 
purpose ;  he  ill  could  spare  the  soldierly  qualities,  the 
ability  and  the  fidelity,  as  yet  untainted,  of  Sir  R.  Willis,'" 
and  he  must  have  thought  with  some  bitterness  of  the 
unstable  Gerrard,  so  recently  ennobled  by,  yet  so  promptly 
to  abandon  him. 

Rupert  marched  to  Belvoir  Castle,  and  from  that 
strmghold  despatched  Lieutenant-Col.  Osborne,  on  29th 
October,  with  a  letter  addressed  to  "  the  Lords  and  Com- 
mons in  Parliament  assembled."  In  this  letter  he  stated 
that  he  and  the  OfScers  and  Gentlemen  with  him  were 
''  altogether  disengaged  from  the  service,"  they  had  been 
in,  and  asked  a  pass  and  safe  convoy  for  them  to  go 
abroad  or  return  to  their  houses."  The  letter  from  Col. 
Osborne  of  ist  November  (No.  25)  was  followed  by  a 
second  letter  on  the  same  day,  in  which  he  detailed  at 
great  length  the  difficulties  with  which  negociations  were 
attended, +  and  finally  when  the  pass  was  granted,  it  was 
conditional  on  the  Prince  and  his  friends  pledging  them- 
selves not  to  serve  the  King  again,  and  they  refused  to 
accept   it.     They  then  fought   their  w^ay  to  Woodstock, 


I 


''  Sir  R.  Willis,    during   the    Protectorate,  betrayed   the    Royalists  plans  to 
Cromwell.— Clarendon  v.   7,  p.   234.     See  also  Thurloe's  Stale  papers,  Vol.  I. 
t  Warburton,  Rupeit  and  Cavaliers,  Vol.  3,  p.  210. 


i'i 


Ixxx 


INTRODUCTION 


where  they  remained  n  considerable  time  in  sullen  in- 
action,  doinij;  nothini:/  for  the  Kin---  and  very  little  for 
their  own  benefit. 

The  letter  Xo.  29  must  have  been  written  between 
1st  November  1645  and  January  1st  1646,  but  there  is 
nothing  to  shew  who  was  the-  author  of  it.  It  is  endorsed 
as  being  undated  and  unsigned,  and  we  gather  from 
the  context  that  the  writer  was  a  sincere  friend  of 
Rupert  and  had  access  to  the  King.  It  was  one  of  a 
series  of  letters  breathing  the  Scune  sentiments  which 
were  addressed  to  the  Prince  from  various  quarters,  and 
there  is  a  pathos  about  it  which  might  well  impress 
a  hasty  and  crenerous  nature.  The  ties  of  blood  were 
highly  reverenced  in  that  age.  and  the  writer  might  fairly 
urge  that  Rupert  could  not  degrade  himself  by  submitting 
to  one  to  whom  he  owed  an  almost  filial  duty  Then  too 
the  allusion  to  the  fallen  condition  of  the  royal  cause,  "a 
King  not  in  a  condition  he  merryt"  was  full  of  sad  and 
melancholy  meaning  ;  for  many  months  there  had  been 
no  rift  in  the  dark  and  lowering  clouds  which  had  gathered 
round  the  unhappy  Charles  ;  city,  town,  and  fortress  had 
been  rendered  up  on  conditions,  or  been  pitilessly 
stormed,  and  the  sentinels  of  the  rebels  were  pacing  the 
ramparts  of  Chester,  and  the  weeds  were  growing  over 
the  site  of  Basing  House.  While  this  ruin  was  being 
worked  Rupert  was  plaxing  with  his  sword  knot,  and 
indubTln<r  in  sullen  discontent.  Was  this  slothworthy 
the  impetuous  Cavalier  who  scarcely  three  years  ago  had 
been  the  hope  of  his  party,  and  the  stay  of  his  Uncle's 
throne  ?  Was  it  worthy  of  the  hero  before  whose  head- 
long charge  the  soldiers  of  the  Parliament  had  never 
stood  their  ground  ?  And  above  all  had  he  a  right  to 
contribute  to  the  ruin  of  his   friends,  who  could  not  in 


INTRODUCTION,, 


Ixxxi 


honour  submit  to  the  King  so  long  as  he  stood  aloof. 

In  the  same  strain  as  tliis  anonvmous  cor- 
respondent the  faithful  and  honourable  William  l^^gge 
addressed  the  Prince.  ''You  should  write  to  your  Uncle 
*  '"  you  ou'du  to  do  it,  and  if  you  offer  your  service 
to  him  yet,  and  submit  yourself  to  his  disposing  and 
advice,  many  of  your  friends  think  it  could  not  be  a 
dishonour,  but  rather  the  contrary,  seeing  he  is  a  King, 
your  Uncle,  and  in  effect  a  parent  to  you."  The  Iiarl  of 
Dorset  wrote  thus,  "  If  my  prayers  can  prevail,  you  shall 
not  have  the  heart  to  leave  us  all  in  our  saddest  times  ; 
and  if  my  advice  were  worthy  of  following,  truly  you 
should  not  abandon  your  Uncle  in  the  disastrous  con- 
dition his  evil  stars  have  placed  him.  Let  your  resolution 
be  as  generous  and  great  as  is  your  birth  and  courage. 
Resolve,  Princely  Sir,  to  sink  or  swim  with  the  King; 
adjourn  all  particular  respect  or  interest  until  the  public 
may  give  way  to  such  unlucky  disputes." 

Yielding  at  length  to  these  entreaties  the  Prince 
submitted  himself  to  his  Uncle — he  acknowledged  ''  the 
f>-reat  error  which  happened  on  the  occasion  of  Newark," 
he  protested  that  love  and  affection  to  his  service  had 
ever  really  been  in  his  heart,  and  he  beseeched  the  King 
to  dispose  of  him  in  the  way  be  thought  most  fit. 

A  submission  so  unqualified  would  have  satisfied 
a  sterner  man  than  Charles,  even  had  it  proceeded  from 
a  partizan  of  lesser  note.  In  this  instance,  however, 
many  circumstances  combined  to  make  his  forgiveness 
sincere  ;  in  his  secret  musings  he  might  well  rei)roach 
hhiiself  for  his  conduct  to  his  sister  ;  he  might  well  reflect 
that  ties  of  blood,  and  political   interest  and  the  cause  of 


i« 


Ix: 


:xx; 


!X'ri:0[)rcTIOX. 


h:s  religion  Ivid  all  ;  pp-aj-'l  to  him  iii  li-r  lavour,  and 
ap  ical'j  I  in  vain  ;  he  mi^^lit  wt-ll  r-'iivml^cr  that  th(,'  hic^^h 
offi::es  he  had  conferretl  upon  Ruj) Tt  ha  1  he  -n  justified, 
if  they  had  not  been  earne  I  bv  his  zeal,  his  iid  -litv.  and 
his  aboundin<::if  couraee. 

He  miL^^ht  have  acknowledi^-ed  to  liimself  the  faults 
his  Xeph  ^w  had  com'nittel  w  Te  those  of  a  noble  nature 
Irritated  by  failure. , goaded  into  excesses  bv  machinations 
of  secret  foes,  and  thrown  off  its  balance  bv  aspersions 
fatal  to  his  own  honour  and  that  of  his  most  trusted  friends. 
The  anxious  outlook  of  the  future  must  also  have  in- 
fluenced the  Kino^  as  the  sannruine  hopes  that  had 
beo^uiled  him,  one  bv  one  faded  away.  Montrose  was  a 
fugitive  ;  Digby  had  been  ignominously  routed  ;  and 
every  day  made  it  more  apparent  that  in  advising  a 
reconciliation  with  the  Parliament,  Rupert  had  counselled 
him  unselfishly  and  well.  The  letter  which  Charles  had 
addressed  to  his  Nephew  many  months  previously  shows 
that  even  then  he  sa  ^.^  nothing  but  ruin  in  the  future,  and 
the  warning  of  calamity  which  fate  thus  give  him  must 
have  made  him  anxious  while  there  was  yet  time  to 
welcome  Rupert  back  again  to  his  confidence  and  regard. 

The  Prince  was  again  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
King,  but  other  advisers  had  now  their  Sovereign's  ear  ; 
and  when  Charles  left  Oxford  to  throw  himself  on  the 
calculating  generosity  of  the  Scotch  covenanters,  he  went 
against  the  advice  of  Rupert,  and  accompanied  only  by 
Ashburnham  and  Dr.  Hudson. 

And  now  the  struggle  which  for  four  years  had 
devastated  England  was  over.  Idie  Scotch  surrendered 
Charles  to  the  Parliament ;  the  loyal  garrisons  everywhere 


IXTRODUCTIOX. 


b 


XXXIU 


were  commanded  by  the  King  to  make  terms  and 
abandon  their  fortresses  ;  Newark  the  scene  oi  such 
eventful  incidents  was  surrendered,  and  the  fortifications 
were  razed  ;  the  gates  of  impregnable  Oxford  were  thrown 
open  to  Fairfax  and  his  soldiers  ;  and  soon  there  was  not 
a  city  or  a  fortress  which  did  not  acknowledge  the 
authority  of  the   Parliament* 

The  letter  of  Charles  II.  to  Prince  Rupert  dated 
1 8th  December  is  endorsed  by  Colonel  Bennett  as 
having  been  probably  written  In  1653. 

For  some  \';..r'^  after  the  Roval  cause  was  lost  In 
England  Rupert  led  a  life  of  strange  and  adventurous 
darino- ;  r  adv  to  eni^ao-e  In  anv  quarrel,  willing  to  hazard 
the  lives  of  himself  and  his  friends  on  bcl.all  of  anv  one 
who  would  hire  his  aid,  he  seemed  the  Imitator  and 
successor  of  the  free  lance  ot  an  earlier  age.  During 
this  period  of  his  life  one  phase  of  it  was  his  career  at 
sea.  Bv  force,  b\'  ari'ument,  or  caiolerv  he  succeeded  in 
obtaining  some  shi[)S  belonging  to  the  English  navy, 
stvled  himself  Admiral,  and  became  In  realltv  a  lilrate. 
His  ideas  of  friend  and  foe  were  confused — his  theories 
as  to  what  was  a  fair  prize  were  directly  go\'(^rned  b\-  his 
interests,  antl  he  won  a  fitful  and  fiuctuating  Income  at 
the  exi.ense,  In  the  main,  of  Englishmen. 


*  The  fulluwiiii;  k-tiL-r  wa^  writicn  Ijy  Cli.-rlo 

l!uvi>on  not  haviiij^  liiiic.   I    (K-iic  \  t.  .i  to  a(;\citi>c  a]!  tlic  >c\u.u  ]<:\-;tl 
govci'iuji's  of  uiv  rcUKii  iiiiiL,^    Uj\\\\>    aii'l    li  r;>,    tint    I    w  i^h    tlit.-i)i  ddw  'm  uu.kf  ;i,i.;r 

CulVip«).^llloiir-  U[H)li  tiiC  1k>1  tcj'll;--  'ilrj\"  liaiV,  fol"  ;l;i-  \\  ..\\\  \^  1  l..1ji.ii'  rel^cAt.-  u'liii  ; 
but  a^>ure  ib.cni.  t!aU  a>  tlvjir  >iitleriiiL;  i^  my  i^ic^ie-l  alliiUioii  -i',  \\  hei.-cx-s  u-  (;i,ij 
shall  L'Ua'Dic  inc,  the}'  .-hali  rt-ap  liic  tia.ii^  (;l  ih^  ii  ii(.L;i:) ,  i.ei-  -l.all  L;i!ui  t-\<.r  ^^.^  lnyin 
niv  heart  uiiiii  1  h.-.vc  >lic\'.  ii  bv  niv  >i;cLXr-bi.w  ai.'.;i.ii.-  t;...t  1  ;aii  tu  wai  all 

A    rCuLv    LOll:::ta!H    lllelld, 

CIlAkLKs   K. 
Newcastle,  iSthJan.  1646. 


Ixxxiv 


INTRODUCTION. 


When  he  hcid  nion(-\-  at  ccniiniand  lie  L:a\-e  a 
poriiun  ol  iL  lu  Lii-ii'irs  II..  and  ii;.a  Km^,  witlajiit  a 
lar*ai'a  LiiLi:^   ra'.ai'f.i    iiaj    panid'jr    diivi    ijciiuiaiuti  l-v  liic 


iniuru::^  niiacLua  (,ai  iii^  suIju  ^.  ts. 


In      tilt; 


'  ^  t~i  !  t  T 


R 


V.^^:^ 


■,      1 


i  i  i . «  a     ;  I L 


2\cuU..^.  Lh  cui  i;i:5  :3hips  he  brougiu  v_aii)  caiu  n. mailed 
vess.  1  nitn  1  ort  and  she,  too,  perished  ^  h  \v  days  later. 
li'  Had,  however,  made  various  prizes  and  cou'\^.j\^^d 
their  contents  to  shore.  The  Parhament  remonstrated 
against  the  countenance  shewn  the  Prince  by  P  ranee,  but 
h'>  acheivements  had  pleased  the  fancy  ot  Louis  XH/ 
a  I.,  a.-i  .  .  id  hstening  to  their  complaints  he  made  hnn 
M..>u  I  i  1  the  Morse. 


Liiul  _  (;  fi  a.^   _  i.c;  ~- L 


at  a  r    Charles  was    a  troublesonif^  an  1 
aere  was  scant)  honour  and  n^i^iv  \.Lna 

a^L:  lo  i  a.;  LainL.i  i  \  hi-  ]  »resence,  and  the  i  a  a*  ii  Kin  '■ 
\\  i^^aiAi  a aa  lu  r* aa'  '\  r  [•  >  (  4. .«  r  icaals.  .  \  i  la  a  av .t  i' 
nau'    caicn    1,  i:    a    a^tlal    alK',    but    a    I'l"!  aaaaa"   \\a*>    i;aU 


lI i  i        i  ;  .  ^ 


i 


i  a\  1  V 


I  •  i    i  ■  a  t  a  V  ( 


11     \  I  i 


;uLiana   buaai\    ..ai    cl-.l^l    ui    ^Laauw     lu   la:^   UauHur^   am 


\\      I     .(     '  i    i  L  I  t-     I 

11.      i 


exaaa>lt- 

b 

derision  tu  ni:^  enennr>,  was  a  a-t  ir>^  liarlhm  ^i  liuj 
Luurt  ut  ii:e  nai^iaacini  and  anaMiaa.n  la.aa>.  1  uo 
pruLid  tu  dia\"e  the  exnu  Iruni  lia^  presanicr  la:  vd  In- 
tnnated  tu  hnn  his  ila^na:  tlait  ha  >huUiti  ci(}-art,  and 
placed  at  In^  eunnnancl  lanii^  ^alneaail  iu  rnahiu  hnn  tu 
act  npun  tile  bn^L^Lstuai.  Llairuj^  apparently  bpent  the 
pistoles  anil  reinaaicd  in   I'an.s. 

In  'IduiriuuC  State  [^u>rrs  tlieia-  are  Itaa^r^  which 
Lear  L'W  the  pre>cni  ll  a^_aLLii  ul  ahaiib.  Alitr  ilu:  Pianca 
waib  ap[ji)aitei;l  ^la^l^r  nt  tla-  Ilc!-:-(  wti.a'c  L*'u,iinai  he 
returiiuu  lu  ALiniL,:^^  tiHii  "  iw^lk.k:  a  ^a''-'^-^  u^^r  am  iur  In^^ 
sugars." 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixxxv 


"  rrincu  Rniiert  Is  'aone   to   Xantes,  and  sonne  say 
his  caUM'  ul  aaxiii;^  ini-  tLa\  n  wa-,  ihat  liK_\'  were  iiere  tu 
make  a  [^ruaess  agciaaa 
sea  Iruin  a  a  k 


laai    kir   aa    tue  [aa/.i-:-.  nu  n^ijix  at 


i  a  '   b  I » K I    1  a 


aa,.:^  la   airrenanib.  w  iiauai  e^xeiniMin,  \\  liieii 
vi\ii   placer^    ai    hrancia    \\aataaan\    laa.  nae 


Iruai    ia--    Majesi)    ui    i^ran^e.       i\ia_^;    Laaiiar.    aiianut  a 
iur  iiuiianu,  and  from  thence  to  la.  ranark.      What  <ha]l 


ju  the  end  of  his  designs  I  do  not  yet  know. 


/!'-? 


Another    account    from    the    same    source    is    as 
follows  : — 

"  The  titular  King  of  England  received  money  for 
his  journey  into  Holland     '''"     *"     '''     '''     What  should  his 

(-xHk  nrv  n^v  Ia:a-d    T^leneral   Crca-aall   e^i  ect    fnaa  ihe 
Cardiuai  but   a   parcel  of    fair  promises    m  aiaw*  i  a    ka. 

letteT  ?       1    assure   the  KaiLf    and    Cardaaa    aiu    rai^uu  lu 
ntji  lu    deliver    Prince    kaiiai:-    aa  ruaaiui/.i -.    Wiaiiaai- 

; \  (,■  \  (  a:.      i  i  ib  nan^L  i^ 

^i\.a]    ia     I  la,;     (jaeell. 

iulLbi    laaN    leva,  n    ai  \  lai,    .aik 


^naaae  sc^uAaa'   < 


a  I  a'  \\  i  i  ub  Li .'  \ 
ru-a    there  is  suvui    assurances 


Cardnaii.  .aa-  L  (.aav,  a. 
ihmk    \ia.r    uiia>aa.h    : 


aa(  .eiit,    ab  laa. 


ill*.,' 


'( ■ , 


!  r< 
1  J 1 


ihe  hai^a>ii  Lcaaa,  thua^^h  iheaa:  arc  bat  iaw"  puur 
Miiiibiarb  and  laaals,  there  is  as  nuich  eoinabaai  as 
ever  w  a.^  at  tlie    luuur  ui  PcdAiun.  ■'' 

Xo  condeiiinatiun  uf  that  fri\a)k.)Uh  and  licentiunb 
Cunrt  LAkad  le  leube\(a-e;  three  er  iear  nan,  Mith  as 
Hvdeaiai  Xkkolas.  were  tai^-^sc.  uiiiL;,  kaiiaal  and  de\a.aed ; 
tile  (jtlana,  were  Laanla-  r^  and.  uekcauiaaa',  men  ui  l(a)be 
princijeeb    ana    aiakai^a^;    parpa,.beb,    waube    wurti    nu    na_m 

.--t    ai  as  La'  ia-  WLnaia  LeM.ad  eisniidi.'. 


WukKi   ui!\e   .ail. 


m  w  1  a_ 


*  Thurloe's  Stale  Tapcis,  38S,  Paris,  9lh  August  1G53  ^U.bO 
t  A  letter  ot  mieliii^euee  Horn  larib,    i^ih  jUiy   JO33.     'Ihurioe's  State  Papers, 

\ol.  I,  p.  344. 


ixxxvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  private  letters  of  the  period  which  their 
authors  supposed  would  never  see  the  light,  disclose  the 
character  and  pursuits  of  Charles.  Thus  for  example, 
Sir  Richard  Browne,  writing  to  I  h  de  on  ":;  November 
i6-'i  s;i\s,  "  findlnii:  that  some  monevs  of  his  Aid"''  will 
f  :;    i::i'      wiih    m(!,    1    humbly   submiti    :i    i      \i     r    11    n^ 


C(  Mi -^iilc: 


wn 


a    hundrcJ    Lcui: 


::3     ill     . 


W 


!l 


n« 


t  H-   ;Li'i,'  ■'  A-V  y^  ■  I 


I  ) 


Mr- 1 


{ ) 


1  \'  voiir  1 1(  >[]'' 


Clfil\'rr'_:Ll   lilL<j   lli^      C>\\ 


IlL    Iv.Aai;    haliil^,    UjWal'iJ^    1 1  i -^    IlKjlTy 

j)iayin;^.  wlirrw'th  to  pn^sr-  hl^  tinio  at  card:-  this  ap-- 
proachin;^  Ciiri^iina->r^(,'."  Aiul  the  i;ravi-  an  i  pruik-nt 
Clarendon   thus   rrpias    to    the    propo^^.il.    which    ni  elicct 

was  IntL-ndfLl  to  Ijiabe  ths-  KnpL^'ouL  oi  his  uwn  mcMiics- -the 

Clianccllor  ot  thr,  ]',xcla.:(jiiia"  ho\\c\'cr  knew  Ids  master, 
and  we  I  same  him  n^t  ter  acceptaii;'  a^  a  i^ilt  an  otkaanu;" 
wdiich  m;.  ;,t  well    ha\\;    Ije'en    relented    as  cUi  in^idt.      '"  I 


cannot."  lie  sa\s>,    "  out  cemnu  nde    \a)ur   de.^i^^ne.    and   as 

e    doe.T    not    expecte    sucll  a  [)re>ent.  so 

to   Idm,    and    I   will 
m   M )  M-crctt  a  manner. 


I   heaex'e  the   I\m  'l 


I  am  >ure  it    wall    ci/    m---t    weiiccmK 


prcam^''  \ 


\'()U  to  ]  s'e^ent   a  lo 
.i.ei 


as  noooisc  slicui    know-    a    h;a    nano'ii's  :   ane  Im^  conlaluit 


I   w  ill  ne\^   r  C(  nw-'v:-  ( sa/  penn\-    i 
m\'  owav  i;->e,  m  w  a<i:  ^O'.lliIu 


liiat  1  !■■<  *ip;<->  te)  him.  to 
^hoL.a   he. 


I  he  -amr  C(aa''  >'  (sidenee    LliMiosfs  the  eeciaiiar\' 


s    e  1     1  1  \  ;. . ' 


bir  R;ch.a-d   hruwn;/  iiad  wasiian  t 


o 


i     4     i     1 


a--  a.sa  -^ea:    ana   m  na-    w  au'    (a    w  lai  n  a  aeriajn 
wais  inien'a>..e[  lea'  L,at.\     lxiesa>_,  anO    Ixxe:    leller    Us^in   wa.Lil 

aa'eadv    ^aioted    is    w  r'tten    in    r?  r-w'   to   tins  in- 


w 


1-^ 


tanat  on  -at    tna- 


1  i  1. .  1  i ».. 


di-.a  ii^'.tioa  (st    ta^'    sack's   :aad    1    wai    not    era 


Wi,_ei      \eur 


U 


i  S'    LA 


anil  1 1  I ae  a  *  Ov.1  n.'. '  \'  ^ 
sHe  intenUb  to  CiO,    U.v/ 


oil  (  n  \  c  u  assigne, 

.r^  !  \    \  ( aa's  ]   a'acsse 


U  i 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixxxvii 


prod'gious  exspence.  every  thinge  double  the  pryse  of 
what  it  was  when  you  left  It)  the  vessell  shall  stay  with 
her  ;  and  I  then  shall  b-a  sure  of  justice,  and  I  wdll  fetch 
my  allowance  In  bottles  :  Let  me  only  give  you  this 
warnincrp.  that  the  carriage  be  payd  for.  as  I  thinke  you 
t  id  na  in  vour  ibrmcr  that  It  was,  an  I  1  aa  sure  I  can- 
not  ijo  it,  and  liieri,  liie  sooner  it  LO.nes  the  better." 


On  2nai   [)-crmk  s-  folj.nv'n  -■  Ihdr   a- 


led 


,^ 


es  an  oiler  <  n    munc:v  iron 


n  Brow  He.      "  h  or  \ 


oar  new 


noVde  olhaa  I  am  n'>t  in  a  coaditi^Mi  so  |r(a"!tslal  to 
refuse,  tor  I  must  tell  \aiu  I  ha\a^  not  had  a  Lewis  oi 
mv  ownc  these  three  mantlis  i  therefore  wlasn  vou  ^«-nd 
the  Idll,  lett  me  know  whether  vou  kaid  me  so  mu  di  oute 
of  your  owne  little  st(^cke.  or  whethta'  it  l)e  tha-  Kin-s 
monev.  for  in  that  case  his  IMa''  shall  l)e  the  disposer. 
since  mv  office  hath  nevc^r  \-ett  nor  shall  intitle  me  to 
take  his  monev  without  his  direction/' 


iMeanwdiile  in  utter  lon^-linia^s  ot  h<\U't  and  a 
rounded  bv  secret  ('n'/mics.  kv  hositatin^  iri-aal^,  and  an 
awe  struck  people,  Cromwell  pursued  h:s  soktarx-  and 
determined  wa\a  11  is  character  and  career  haxa-  keen 
made  the  mark  in  e)ur  owai  days  oi  ill  considered  cUid 
fulsome  paneuyric  ;  writca-s  who  ne\a.m  acknowd'^l^-e 
merit  until  succebS  has  crowaKsl  her  efisals.  liaw:  re- 
coionized  in  this  israat^  man   cvcrv  virtue  r*  (juired  t(^  make 

\\  e  '  aiir i"     IK  a    aao    lia' 


Lir)     tntar    lOeal    oi     iierlectraa 


4 


controversx'  ;    aai    we  -ee    m 


'^-n      :  T1 


stern    (aaicauraas  SI    ()! 


ijurr^ose.  the    rtdraidess   eia.s'ao-    w  di    wliitO'    he   iraaiio-d 


Oowai  e\'er\'   ol'Si-u  e-    th.a^    k,aa*fO    ins  \v,:v  U)  ]  ^^  > 
tht;  vSi^i  ^o\\w  iie   t/xercised  i.asa-    a  iaiaLO,:.d  arid 


la  I 


n  r^ri  \ 


n  1  r )  1 1 1 1 


ihties  w  favsi  i  ■>.  ^  si^   uni\     lo    : 


wsajbc  al  'daw" 


^.,.^ 


at  1 1  '■-.^i       -..  I       a   i  a,-  i,-^  i       ^  v.  i  ^^  ci      L '  i 


Ixxxviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  ends  they  seek.  Since  the  execution  of  his  King 
Cromwell  must  have  regarded  with  deep  contempt  the 
conduct  of  the  Parliament— by  the  aid  of  the  weapon  he 
had  forged  and  placed  in  their  hands,  they  had  destroyed 
the  Monarchy,  abolished  the  Upper  House,  and  replaced 
Laud,  I  iKon  and  the  Clergy  of  the  Establishment,  by  a 
croA  1  of  obscure  and  illiterate  Ministers— but,  powerful 
as  they  were  to  destroy,  what  had  they  created,  what 
were  the  inr^uiutions  they  proposed  to  substitute  for 
th  -"  w-"  '1  thev  had  swept  away,  an  ^  w't^^  \vn  it  break- 
^vit:-:-.i;i  ih  V   :;]i-  •!  1    t  •    rhnrk    the  angry   tide   of  =l!S- 


ovcrwli'-lin  tlimi, 

Within    n    H 


gradually   rising 


)  n 


Oi!''""'i,t<~*n 


...1 


to 


t  '  w 


1. 


V  ]!• 


wrote  his  h/tt^-r  to  Prince  Riir^'rt.  (/roinw-il  was  |)ro- 
claimed  Protector  ;  he  l-nund  liimsclf  hv  sohenn  natlis  to 
maintain  the  constitution  tlvMi  r'stal)]!-h"d  :  h-  receivt^l 
the  homa^'G  of  state  and  arm.y  ;  and  the  lon^'  line  of 
Eno;lish  Monarchs  was  apparently  swept  away  for  ever 
to  make  room  for  mihtarv  ustirjrition.  Much  wisdom 
was  evinced  in  the  ordinances  then  estal)]is]ied  :  many 
anomalies  were  abohshed  :  manv  an  ancient  cham])er  was 
s\vept  and  crarnished  ;  the  changes  in  the  representative 
svstem  might,  had  thev  l)een  p-rsisted  in,  have  prevented 
the  long  struggle  for  reform  which  the  present  and  past 
generation  has  witnessed,  and  the  tolerance  accorded, 
with  two  exceptions,  to  every  form  of  Christian  belief 
was  wise,  far  seeing,  and  unparalleled. 

There  were  blots  in  the  rule  of  Cromwell,  and 
he  was  guilty  of  tyrannv  and  oppression.  His  govern- 
ment, however,  was  free  from  the  vacillation  of  Charles  I. 
and  the  paltry  vices  of  his  son  ;  at  least  it  gave  England 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ixxxix 


"  peace  at  home  and  triumph  abroad,"  and  made  his 
subjects  feel  like  the  Roman  of  ancient  days  that 
wherever  they  wandered  a  far  seeing  eye  and  an  all- 
protecting  arm  watched  over  their  interest  and  ensured 
their  safety. 

Whatever  were  the  faults  of  Cromwell  he  never 
degraded  his  country.  He  never  abandoned  the  Pro- 
test iiii  canse  like   Charles    L,   or   sold  himself  to  France 


hk 


e 


successor. 


f'W    aUr'hniL''^s    thr 


.1  1 


L  > 


■'^t^n- 


niaiid  ihciuvc  ur  .aivayA  u\.:  ^vin|).ii!"iy  n\  niM-e:nur\an-n, 
he  wa^  fret'  frtani  tli-  vices  \\Ti;'.;ii  ].-lor<-  And  aiu.  ;■  navi 
made  h •-■itiniaie  Mniiarcii^  tile  oejecl-^  <at  til-'  nii-^.ex-in- 
and  scorn  i)}'  ihv*se  cv^m  wlio  we-^heJ  iheni  \\a;ll. 


The  restoration  of  Char!'-:.  11.  was  tlir  natural 
sequence  of  the  Commonwealth,  tlie  Protectorate,  and 
the  anarchy  that  threatened  England  when  Cromwell 
died.  Theorists  of  all  kinds  liad  experimented  on  their 
country,  and  their  experiments  had  failei  ;  the  foreign 
triumphs  of  the  Prelector  had  not  been  greater  than 
those  won  bv  a  woman  a  hundred  years  belore  ;  the 
peace  at  hotne  which  Iingland  enjoyed  was  precarious, 
troubled  and  broken  ;  it  was  the  peace  of  exhaustion 
not  of  content,  and  beneath  its  unruffled  surface  the  con- 
spirator plotted,  while  the  patriot  mourned. 

Twenty  years  of  strife,  destruction,  and  repression 
had  passed,  and  men  asked  themselves  with  what  result. 
The  o-reat  institutions  reared  centuries  before  had 
crumbled  into  dust  ;  the  Crown  was  gone  with  all  its 
splendid  pageantries,  and  all  Its  historic  claims;  the 
Church  was  swept  away,  and  In  the  defaced  temples  of 
happier   times    Fifth   Monarchy    men    prophesied    and 


xc 


INTRODUC'I'T^'N. 


INTRODUCTION. 


xci 


Ranters  raved  ;  the  great  families,  who  had  a  lasting 
hold  on  the  affections  of  the  multitude,  were  exiled,  dis- 
graced, or  shorn  of  half  their  property  ;  in  their  place 
new  men  ruled  who  had  no  sympathy  with  the  people 
round  them,  and  made  no  allowance  for  their  weak- 
ness and  faults ;  a  spirit  of  fanaticism  and  gloomy 
intolerance  brooded  over  the  land ;  every  amusement 
which  made  life  cheerful  to  the  peasant,  or  graceful  and 
refined  to  his  superiors  was  repressed  as  sinful,  or  sneered 
at  as  profane  ;  and  all  this  while  the  citizen  w^as 
weighed  down  by  unaccustomed  taxation  to  provide  pay 
for  an  army  which  he  detested  and  feared. 

There  was  the  stain  of  blood  on  \h(i  robe  of 
Cromwell  which  he  had  neither  time  nor  opportunity  to 
efface.  A  stern  soldier,  a  remorseless  conqueror,  a  despot 
in  act,  and  ruling  by  despotic  agencies,  while  feared  by 
everyone,  he  was  despised  by  half  England  as  an  upstart, 
and  hated  by  the  other  half  as  a  tyrant.  The  men  w^ho 
endeavoured  to  succeed  him  had  all  his  faults,  but  were 
without  the  great  qualities  by  which  they  were  so  nearly 
atoned.  If  they  had  had  the  daring  and  the  good  fortune 
to  take  his  place  they  would  only  have  exhibited  on  a 
grand  theatre  the  miserable  spectacle  of  their  own  in- 
capacity and  folly  ;  while  the  Parliament  which  was  in 
England  their  competitor  for  power  was  the  same  effete 
and  despised  convention  which  Cromwell  years  since  had 
dissolved,  amid  sympathetic  jeers  and  execrations  from  a 
gazing  populace. 

In  every  class  therefore  men  were  to  be  found 
whose  prejudices,  feelings,  and  interests  were  hostile  to 
the  existing  order  of  affairs,  and  they  looked  back  with 
regret  to  the  institutions  that  had  heen  subverted,  to  the 
men  who  were  in  exile  and  their  youthful  King. 


It  was  under  the  influence  of  these  feelings  that 
Charles  II.  was  welcomed  home.  A  sceptic  in  religion, 
a  profligate  in  conduct,  trusting  in  no  one,  believing  in 
the  sanctity  of  no  cause,  he  yet  was  hailed  as  the  re- 
presentative of  order,  the  guardian  of  the  Church,  the 
heir  of  a  sacred  and  ancient  throne.  How  he  disappointed 
every  hope  that  his  friends  and  his  loyal  subjects 
cherished  ;  how  he  sacrificed  his  people's  good  and  his 
own  dignity  on  the  altar  of  degraded  passion,  it  is  not 
our  province  to  trace;  the  task  would  be  long  and 
irksome,  and  would  chronicle  the  progress  of  national 
disgrace,  and  the  weary  record  of  national  decay.  We 
are  concerned  not  with  the  history  of  the  Reign  of 
Charles  II.  but  with  the  condition  of  affairs  19  years 
subsequently  to  the  restoration,  and  in  a  few  paragraphs 
we  will  endeavour  to  depict  it. 

In  the  first  burst  of  loyalty  which  welcomed  the 
King  to  his  own  again,  the  convention  was  dissolved,  and 
a  new  Parliament  summoned.  It  assembled  on  8th  May 
1 66 1,  and  reflected  with  great  fidelity  the  momentary 
passions  of  the  people.  Every  where  the  Roundheads  and 
sectaries  were  discomfited,  the  men  who  had  suffered  in 
person  and  estate  for  their  lo)alty  were  elected,  and  the 
assembly  which  then  for  the  first  time  met  was  rightly 
called  the  Cavalier  Parliament. 

The  work  of  20  years  was  undone  In  one — the 
Church  was  re-established  ;  the  King  was  endowed 
with  every  power  and  prerogative  his  Father  wielded  ; 
the  Reo-icides  were  sent  to  scaffold  or  dungeon  ;  and 
E no-land  reo-arded  the  Commonw^ealth  and  Protectorate  as 
a  hideous  dream,  from  which,  in  a  fortunate  moment  she 
had  been  aroused. 


XCll 


INTRODUCTION. 


Yet  men  still  lived  who  had  perilled  life  and 
fortune  in  the  cause  which  now  seemed  so  forlorn,  and 
they  watched  with  patient  constancy  till  the  principles 
they  believed  were  eternal  should  ai^ain  lie  recognised  as 
true.  Their  chosen  ministers  perished  dav  hvdav  in  the 
prisons  of  the  Priests  of  Baal — the  high  |)laces  of  this 
world  were  filled  with  the  licentious  Rochester,  the 
persecutor  Clarendon,  the  apostate  Shaftesl.)ury,  and 
other  men  more  vvorthless  still,  while  the  Kincr  and  his 
Courtiers  lived  lives  of  o[)en  profanity,  scoffing-  at  the 
most  sacred  human  ties,  and  violatinc:  the  solemn 
ordinances  of  God.  The  stern  sectar\',  the  honest 
enthusiast,  and  the  ardent  advocate  of  freedom,  watched 
these  things  and  regarded  the  present  as  a  time  of  trial 
and  persecution,  while  they  believed  a  brighter  day 
would  dawn  ere  long,  and  that  the  principles  which  had 
so  lately  been  in  the  ascendant,  though  suffering  from 
momentary  eclipse,  would  shine  forth  again  in  splendour 
and  illuminate  the  regenerated  land. 

There  was  also  a  large  party  professing  royalist 
opinions,  who,  as  time  went  on,  regarded  with  uncon- 
cealed digust  the  vices  of  the  Court.  These  men  felt 
now  that  the  struggle  of  twenty  years  was  over,  that  the 
very  principles  they  had  striven  for  were  set  at  nought. 
They  had  fought  for  the  Crown  and  its  prerogatives, 
but  not  for  uncontrolled  power  guided  by  frivolity  and 
vice  ;  for  a  Church  which  Laud  with  all  his  faults  had 
sought  to  regenerate,  and  not  for  a  shameless  hierarchy 
whose  only  idea  of  duty  was  to  preach  the  right  divine, 
and  pander  to  the  vices  of  the  Crown  ;  they  had  been 
earnest  for  the  Protestant  cause,  using  that  word  in  its 
widest  sense,  and  were  unprepared  for  the  altered  policy 
which  was  leading  the  nation  to  Rome. 


1 


INTRODUCTION. 


xciii 


A  few  more  years  passed  by  and  these  feelings 
became  deeper  and  more  widelv  spread.  The  toreign 
policy  of  Charles  was  shameful  and  ignominious.  The 
Dutch  deet  sailed  in  triumph  up  the  Thames,  Dunkirk 
was  sold  for  money,  and  F^rench  gold  supplied  the  funds 
required  for  the  debaucheries  of  the  King. 

Gradually  too,  as  far  as  any  policy  could  be 
pursued  by  that  unstable  and  frivolous  nature,  it  became 
evident  that  Charles  intended  to  govern  unshackled  by 
precedent  or  law.  His  ideas  of  royal  power  were  based 
on  the  model  of  the  French  Court,  and  he  resolved,  as 
opportunity  offered  itself,  to  curb  the  freedom  which  was 
now  trammellinor  him.  His  encroachments  were,  it  is 
true,  fitful  and  wayward,  but  they  all  tended  in  the  same 
direction,  the  suppression  of  the  liberties  of  England. 

It  was  not  only  the  civil  liberties  of  his  subjects 
that  were  menaced  by  the  King,  it  was  also  his  intention 
to  reconcile  England  with  the  Papal  see  ;  the  work  which 
cost  James  his  Crown,  was  stealthily  commenced  by 
Charles,  and  was  carried  on  by  him  as  opportunity 
offered,  or  caprice  enjoined.  These  efforts  were  con- 
cealed as  far  as  possible  from  the  knowledge  of  the 
people,  but  rumours  of  them  spread  abroad  and  created 
suspicion  and  widespread  alarm. 

It  was  at  the  time  when  the  fears  of  the  people 
were  at  their  height  that  two  circumstances  tended  to 
increase  them.  The  first  of  these  was  th.:  infamous 
fabrication  of  Titus  Gates,  the  second  the  conduct  of 
Ashley  Cooper,  Lord  Shaftesbury.  The  character  and 
career  of  Gates  are  so  generally  understood  that  it  is 
needless  to  advert  to  them  here.      It  is  difficult  to  fathom 


XCIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XCV 


the  depths  of  human  creduhty,  and  example  after  example 
seems  to  prove  that  these  depths  are  still  unprobed— yet 
the  clumsy  fabrications  of  this  illiterate  pretender  were 
so  palpably  false  that  we  wonder  that  men  in  power 
should  lend  them  their  passing  aid.  The  spirit  of  that 
age  was  unscrupulous,  and  Shaftesbury  was  conspicuous 
for  ability  and  tergiversation  beyond  all  his  contem- 
poraries. He  had  been  disgraced  and  sent  to  the  Tower, 
and  he  resolved  to  rise  again  at  any  cost,  and  when  he 
was  at  liberty,  with  a  laugh  and  a  sneer,  he  took  up  the 
story  of  Gates  and  the  advocacy  of  the  Protestant  cause. 

Then  ensued  that  memorable  and  shameful  panic 
in  which  so  many  noble  lives  were  lost,  and  so  many 
spotless  .reputations  were,  for  the  moment,  tarnished. 
The  people  were  mad  with  superstition  and  alarm,  and, 
urged  by  such  impulses,  were  merciless.  Circumstances 
which  to  this  day  are  unexplained  gave  to  the  wildest 
tales,  the  most  improbable  conjectures,  the  appearance  of 
consistency  and  truth,  and  in  a  paroxysm  of  frenzy  both 
houses  of  Parliament  resolved  that  "  there  hath  been  and 
still  is  a  damnable  and  hellish  plot,  contrived  and  carried 
on  by  the  popish  recusants,  for  assassinatino-  the  Kino- 
for  subverting  the  government,  and  for  rooting  out  and 
destroying  the  protestant  religion." 

Gates  was  lodged  in  Whitehall,  was  pensioned, 
styled  the  saviour  of  the  nation,  his  vile  utterances  were 
eagerly  listened  to,  and  on  his  evidence  men  of  honour 
and  loyalty  were  sent  to  the  prison  and  the  block. 

In  this  time  of  popular  excitement,  when  all 
England  was  ringing  with  the  tidings  of  the  great  plot, 


the  King  resolved  to  dissolve  his  Parliament/"  It  was  a 
strange  time  at  which  to  have  recourse  to  such  a  measure, 
for  no  man  used  to  public  affairs  could  have  failed  to  see 
the  issue  of  it.  The  country,  fevered  from  one  end  to 
the  other  by  dangers  menacing  alike  its  religion  and  free- 
dom, was  now  to  be  convulsed  in  every  county  and  every 
borough  by  a  contest  mainly  turning  on  these  very  perils. 
A  parliament  which  at  its  inception  had  been  almost 
ridiculously  loyal,  and  which  was  still  in  the  main  com- 
pliant to  the  royal  will,  was  to  be  dissolved  at  the  moment 
when  the  shameless  traffic  with  France  had  been  divuhred 
and  the  people  were  writhing  under  national  humiliation 
and  domestic  tyranny.  Strange,  however,  as  was  the 
moment  selected  for  the  dissolution,  the  motives  for  it 
lie  on  the  surface  ;  Charles,  as  usual,  required  money  and 
hoped  to  obtain  it  from  the  liberality  of  new  men  ;  he 
wanted  to  stay  the  impeachment  of  Danby,  an  impeach- 
ment which  would  have  exposed  the  whole  of  his  shame- 
less intrigues  with  France,  and  the  only  way  in  which  to 
do  so  effectually  was  to  dissolve  the  Parliament  by  which 
it  had  been  commenced. 

Charles  had  never  been  misled  by  the  popular  cry, 
he  was  too  shrewd  an  observer,  and  had  too  sceptical  a 
nature  to  credit  the  gross  absurdities  of  Gates  and  his 
imitators  ;  yet  it  was  politic  to  affect  a  belief  he  did  not 
feel,  and  he  placed  himself  unreservedly  in  the  hands  of 
Shaftesbury,  jested,  and  signed  death  warrants. 

The  speech  from  the  throne  was  delivered  in 
person,  and  Charles  announced  that  he  had  excluded  the 
Popish  Lords   from    Parliament,  that   he   had  sanctioned 


*  Parliament  was  prorogued  on  30  Deer.  1678.  dissolved  on  24  Tany.  1679  and    the 
new  Parliament  assembled  and  the  royal  speech  was  delivered  on  6th  March,  1679. 


XCVI 


IXTRODUCTIOX. 


"  the  execution  of  several  men,  both  on  the  score  of  the 
Plot,  and  the  murder  of  Sir  luhnundhury  Godfrev,  and  it 
is  apparent,"  he  added,  -'  that  I  have  not  been  idle  in 
prosecutin.cr  the  discovery  of  both,  as  much  farther  as  hath 
been  possible  in  so  sliort  a  time  •  •  and  above  all  I 
have  commanded  mv  brother  to  absent  himself  from  me, 
because  I  would  not  leave  malicious  men  room  to  say,  I 
had  not  removed  all  causes  which  could  be  pretended  to 
influence  me  towards  Popish  Counsels."* 

This  Parliament  was  in  turn  dissolved,  as  is  stated  in 
the  letter  from  William  Bennett  of  that  date,  on  loth  July 
following,  and  the  new  Parliament  was  summoned  to 
assemble  on  17th  October.  In  the  meanwhile  a 
sudden  illness  of  the  Kino-  alarmed  his  Councillors,  and 
the  Duke  of  York  was  hastily  summoned  from  Brussels 
so  as  to  be  on  the  spot. 

In  the  following-  October,  Charles  resolved  to  send 
the  Duke  of  York  to  Scotland,  as  it  was  thought  he  could 
conciliate  that  Kingdom  where  the  Covenantors  had 
been  cruelly  repressed  by  Monmouth  and  Claverhouse.+ 
It  was  also  supposed  that  his  presence  there  would  gain 
adherents  to  his  cause  in  the  event  of  a  struggle  for  the 
succession,  ensuing  on  the  death  of  the  King.  The  letter 
of  William  Bennett,  of  20th  October,  relates  to  the  reception 
of  the  Duke  in  the  City,  immediately  before  his  departure 
for  Scotland. 

On  loth  January.    i68t,  the  King  again  dissolved 
the  Parliament,  and  summoned  a  new  one  to  meet  him  in 


*  History  and  proceedings  of  the  Hou^e  of  Commons  from  the  Restoration  to 
the  present  time.     Vol  r.  p.  324,  Lond  :   1742. 

t  Bumets  own  times,  vol.  i,  p.  477.  edit.  1724. 


asT^ 


INTRODUCTION. 


xcvli 


Oxford,  on  2ist  March  following.""  and  it  is  to  the  election 
for  Shaftesbury,  on  this  occasion  that  the  letters  of  William 
Bennett  mainly  relate.  These  letters  are  addressed  to 
Colonel  Benett.  of  Norton  Bavant,  Wilts,  who  was  elected 
Member  for  Shaftesbury,  in  the  year  1679.  At  the  poll 
held  on  13th  September  in  that  year,  the  four  Candidates 
for  the  Borough  polled  the  following  nnmber  of  votes. 


Sir  Math(nv  Andrews,  Knight 
Thomas  Benett 
John  Bowles 
Henry  WTi taker 


...  268 

...  218 

...  I2l 

...  49 


on  the  present  occasion  it  appears  by  the  correspondence 
that  Colonel  ]]enett  was  returned  at  the  head  of  the  poll. 
1  he  politics  he  |)rofessed  can  be  gathered  from  the  fact 
stated  by  William  Bennett,  that  Mr.  Gray  had  received 
a  letter  from  Lord  Shaftesbury,  stating  he  was  a  fit  per- 
son to  represent  the  town  ;  we  therefore  assume  he  was 
returned  as  one  of  the  Protestant  party  of  that  day,  and 
that  it  was  as  a  supporter  of  the  men  who  upheld  the 
exclusi\e  bill,  and  believed  in  the  jjopish  plot  that  he 
earned  his  title  of  "  honest  Tom  Benett." 

Colonel  lieneit  was,  however,  something  more  than 
the  mere  dupe  ot  Oates  and  his  gang  of  fellow  conspirators. 
He  was  secretar\-  to  iVince  Rupert,  and  in  the  accounts 
rendered  b}-  Lord  Craven,  the  executor  to  the  Prince, 
one  of  the  largest  item  is  the  payment  to  "  Thomas 
Benett,  the  secretary,  in  full  of  all  demands  of  eight 
hundred  pounds." 

In  concluding  these  notices,  we  have  only  to  add 


Rapinvul.  v.,  p,  595,  edit.  176c. 


N 


XCVUl 


IMROI'l'C'llOX. 


that  the  documents  now  printed  nre  in  possession 
Mr.  Benelt  Stanford,  tliu  collateral  dcscend.ant  ol 
Colonel  Benett,  and  present  metnbcr  Ujv  Shaiie:.l)ury. 
The  papers  were  accidentally  dI^,co\■urrd  by  hnn  two 
years  since  whilst  de^iroviii;^  <l  x'a^t  acLunuiKition  oi 
old  unarran^^ed  and  UM;les~;  docummt-.  In  connniL- 
tin^  these  p:nn-rs  to  the  ii^inir-  lir  remarked  (.11  cne 
of  them  tile  -i^^naiua'  ••  Chari->  K,  .nu!  re-'-rx'fd  die 
bundle  in  whiLh  it  wa:.  unnain-d  lur  iLirtiajr  inx'estiira- 
tlon— r^ubsecuuaulv    ih-    rtan.undM-   (^f  the  documents   in 

■  1  -  . 

1     '  .  ,-    -  .,«,■:-,         ,'•■■'  '1  '.!'■■(    a^ 

i  '  ""  "  '  ""  ■  * 

rta,ult  has  1  eaii  the  selection  for  publication 
vhidi  ara  uav.  :a  aiied.  Without  claiming  for  them  any 
great  ia^u  ria  d  value,  it  is  yet  thought  that  they  possess 
ra:^i  fur  the  scholar  and  historian  which  renders 
orthy  of  publicity,  while  the  domestic  letters,  and 
uie  sketch  of  a  contested  election  two  centuries  ago 
abound  in  curious  details  which  are  not  readily  met  with 
in  other  works. 


mu    liie 


r  r\f''^i-' 


a,-,      ,  »-5  f  f  ■  r", 


LETTERS. 


[No.  I.] 
Nepheu* 

I  have  snached  this  litle  tyme  to  congratulat  your 
victory  asseuring  you  that  this  (as  the  rest)  is  the  welcomer 
because  of  you  the  cheefe  Actor.  So  desyring  you  to  have 
care  of  the  Armes  and  Clothes  there  and  thereabouts. 
I  rest     Your  loving  Oncle  and  faithfull  frend 

Oxford  3  Feb.  CHARLES  R. 

1642/3 

And  Mony  must  not  be  forgotten. 


[No.  2.] 
Nepheu 

I  send  you  herewith  a  proposition  concerning 
Lancasheere  with  w''^  I  am  very  much  pleased,  but  I 
will  not  conclude  it  without  your  advyce  ;  wherefore  I 
desyre  you  as  soone  as  you  can  (for  this  buisness  would 
not  be  delayed)  to  let  me  know  your  opinion  of  it,  &  if 
you  approve  it  to  send  my  Lord  Biron  (to  whom,  only,  I 
desyre  you  to  comunicat  this  business)  presently  to  me ; 
if  not,  then  to  send  your  objections  against  it.  So  wish- 
ing you  good  success  in  all  your  desynes  I  rest 
Your  loving  Oncle  &  most  faithfull  frend 

CHARLES  R. 
Oxford  4  No.  1643 


*  This  letter  refers  to  the  storm  of  Cirencester.     See  Introduction, 


p.  IX. 


B 


This  bearer  hath  desyred  leave  of  me  to  goe,  for 
sometyme,  to  Darbysheer,  but  I  refer  him  &  his  reasons 
to  you. 

My  Lo  :  Capell  sends  me  word  that  there  are 
great  number  of  Cattel  &  other  Provisions  of  Victuals  at 


s 


.aiiwl  Li 


w*"^  ar  to  caried  to  London 


[No.  3.] 


1  11* 


»^ ,  .  ♦     >-, 


I     t 


lis 


I:     k.  K' 


^'M.t     init 


bearer  t-*  \'uii,  yd  d  trt;rurN  rciiUT 
can  doc  no  harm./:  ^c  wiiii  tiii^  ^cxa'-i.^n  I  t .mim 
mention  two  (JxiorJ  di>c>)ursc^  to  \<)U  ;  nr-.t  it  i-^  saide 
that  its  im[)oss'l)le  so  to  lortane  'ros>iter'-  that  it  can 
be  ke[)t  without  so  L^rcat  a  torci;  hoah.e  oi  }  lor.-^e  and  h'oote 
that  it  \\'in  not  be  worth  the  pai nes,  cv  that  the  Morse 
w''  lyes  there  will  be  contiiuiall)-  put  to  snch  hard  dewt)\ 
that  (in  short  tyme)  they  are  lyke  to  be  much  wasted  ; 
w^herefor  as  it  is  possible  that  now  you  may  fynde  this 
to  be  so  w'^  at  first  you  did  not  belive  (no  more  than  I 
doe  yet)  &  therefor  thinke  fitt  to  betake  you  to  some 
other  desyine,  so  by  no  means,  I  would  not  have  you 
be  guyded  by  our  foolishe  discourses  heere,  but  doe 
according  to  your  owen  judgement  ;  &  certainly  that 
Place  is  of  such  consequence  that  is  not  to  quitted  but  to 
eschew  verrie  great  inconveniencies  w''^'  I  hope  ye  w^ill 
not  finde  :  the  second  is  that  my  Wyfe  &  I  ar  treating 
for  a  Peace  w'^  you  must  not  heare  of:  this  is  a  damnable 
Ley  ;t  the  ground  of  it  is  that  the  French  Ambasador  said 
by  way  of  discourse  not  proposition  that  he  hoped  I  would 
not  shutt  my  eares  to  honorable  &  reasonable  propositions 
if  they  were  ofred  to  me  ;  but  protested  against  treating 

*  Towcester.  f  See  p.  xii.  of  Introduction. 


♦ 


with  those  who  call  themselfes  the  Parliament  though  I 
should  desyre  him  :  &  I  against  hearing  from  any  of 
them  except  from  Essex*  as  Queene  Elizabethe  &  my 
Father  treated  with  Tyron  being  the  cheefe  Rebell  :  but 
upon  my  credit,  you  shall  have  notice  of  the  first  overtur 
(of  w*"^  yet  there  is  little  apearance)  &  shall  have  your 
word  about  if  any  such  thing  be  &  so  I  rest 

Your  loving  Oncle  and  most  faithfull  frend 
Oxford  12  No.  1643  CH ARI  FS   R 


[No.  4.J 

^_^  Xl  u  1  lI   J.  1 11    ^  Vl  cl  i  C  i  1     ^  '  ■  ■  t  t  • 

XKriii-r 

this  b\"  ni\'  L  Loiiuh1)i)row  is   the  hrst  (Kcasion    I 
have  had  vl  wr\-tin.''-  to  vou  since  \  e  went,  lor  his  i)Usinuss, 
I  refer  vou  to  hini.^clfe  for  the  ijarticulars,  onl\-  tliis,   \-ou 
shall  doe  well  to  encourage  him  what  you  nia\'.  cK:  in  the 
particular  oi   Belvoir  Castell   to  give  him  conteiUment  as 
he  desyres  if  you  finde  it  not  prejudicial  to  my  service. 
As  for  my  Western  Orders,  I   have  comanded   1  )igby  to 
give  you  a  particular  account  of  all  w'^'  I   hope  you  will 
approve  of,  they  being    in  persuance  of   those  grounds 
which  you  and   I   have  resolved  on.      I   have  l)-kewaise 
comanded  Will   Leggf    to  give  you  an  account  of  some 
things,  whereby  you  wall  perceave,  that    I    have  and  will 
keepe  my  word  with  you,  in  the  least  particular. 

■**"  Robert  I  )evercux,  Karl  of  Essex,  made  Lord  General  of  the  Forces 
of  the  Parliament  in  1641.  He  died  14  Sept.,  1646,  and  by  his  death 
removed  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles  to  the  ambition  of  Cromwell.  See 
Introduction,  p.  xlii. 

t  Colonel  \Villiam  l>egge,  known  as  "honest  Will  Leggc,''  was  the 
attached  and  faithful  friend  of  Ru})ert.  He  had  the  courage  to  give 
him  true  and  unwelcome  advice,  and  appears  to  have  been  the  best  and 
most  reliable  councillor  the  Prince  possessed.  He  was  the  ancestor  of 
the  [-resent  P^arl  of  Dartmouth. 


i 


In  the  last  place,  I  must  thanke  you  for  undcr- 
takini^,  so  cheerfully  so  difficult  a  business  as  you  ar 
about,  there  belni^  more  than  one  k}'nde  of  Ennemy  you 
ar  to  deale  with  &  therfor  no  wonder  If  you  doe  not  suc- 
ceed but  the  more  praise  If  you  prosper,  howsoever  you 
shall  still  fynde  me  to  be* 

Your  loving  Oncle  &  most  falthfull  friend 

CHARLES   R. 


Xo.   5, 
Nepiiku 

I  have  this  day  receaved  two  letters  from  you,  as 
for  the  first  (w  ■'  concernes  your  Government)  my  answer 
is  that  I  meane  not  to  trust  you  by  halfes,  therefor  I  freely 
give  you  leave  to  chuse  your  Gouernor  of  Salopf  &  thlrike 
no  reason  that  Chessheere  should  be  denyed  frOm  your 
Comand  :  concerning  nether  of  w'\  yet  I  have  been  moved, 
but  when  I  shall,  I  asseure  you,  I  shall  not  be  altered  :  as 
for  the  Monie  Letters  I  have  comanded  JerminJ  to  give 
you  an  Answer,  as  lykewais  an  account  of  some  other 
things  of  the  lyke  nature:  as  for  Newark,  I  bellve  before 
this,  you  will  have  understoad  my  full  directions,  w'^  I 
hope  will  not  be  the  lesse  powerfull,  being  the  more  civill : 
for  an  earnest  desyre  to  you  is  as  much  as  a  perremptory 
comand  to  others,  from 

Your  loving  Oncle  <&  most 
Oxford  12  March  falthfull  frend 


164 


CHARLES  R. 


*  This  apparently  refers  to  Rupert's  Northern  Expedition.  See 
Introduction,  p.  xii. 

t  Probably  this  refers  to  the  appointment  of  Lord  Capel,  whose 
proclamation  is  dated  3  April,  1643. 

t  Henry  Jermyn,  created  Lord  Jermyn  in  the  summer  of  this  year, 
a  favourite  of  the  Queen,  and  reputed  to  have  been  her  second 
husband. 


i 


No.  6, 


'> 


Oxford  15  ]\Iarch  164, 
Nepiieu 

I  hope  you  will  be  satisfied  with  the  care  I  have 
taken  concerning  the  Munition,  w'^'  I  dout  not  but  you 
will  have  in  good  tyme,  8z  I  asseure  you  that  there  is 
nothing  w^''  concerns  you  w'''  I  will  not  take  as  much  care 
as  if  it  wer  for  aine  of  my  children  :  I  have  given  so  full 
an  answer  to  my  Lo :  Jermin  concerning  all  your  demands 
that  I  need  not  repeat  them  to  you,  only  this,  you  fynde 
that  in  every  particular  &  on  all  occasions  you  will  fynde 
me  to  bee 

Your  loving  Oncle  &  most 
falthfull  frend 


CHARLES  R. 


I  shall  not  falle  to  see 
you  satisfied  of  the  400/ 
you  repaid  to  my  Wyfe 


Xo.  7. 


■^ 


Oxford  27  INIarch  164, 
Nepheu 

I  have  this  day  receaved  two  letters  from  you  & 
this  is  the  second  that  I  have  written  to  you  ;  the  w'^^' 
together  with  a  trusty  Messenger,  is  the  justifible  cause 
of  a  short  letter  wherfor  at  this  t)'me  wholly  referring 
myselfe  to  your  most  honest  Servant  ^^lontalgue  Forest 

Your  lovinor  Oncle  &  most 
faithfull  frend 

CHARLES  R. 


I  Xo.  8.1 

Oxford  2  1  April  1644 
Nepiif.u 

By  my  Lord  Pnron  you  will  have  liad  the  trew 
state  of  my  affairs  heire  whereby  \-oii  will  see  the  absolute 
necessety  of  those  supplyes  therein  demanded,  but  it  is, 
with  a  supposition  that  ?^Ianchester*  doe  joine  with  Essex 
(of  w'-  we  have  had  confident  information)  that  so,  W'alerf 
at  the  same  tyme  may  o;oe  into  the  West,  this  Army  not 
being  able,  both  to  defend  thease  Garisons  (w"'"  cannot  be 
otherwais  secured)  &  follow  Waaler  to  secure  your  Brother 
Maurice;  but  if  Manchester  goe  Xortheward,  then  I  do 
not  conceave  your  present  assistance  of  so  absolute 
necessety  ;  wherfor  I  thinke  it  necessary  to  give  you  this 
further  latitude,  that  in  case  you  get  certaine  intelligence 
that  Manchester  is  gone  Xorthe  then  I  give  you  leave 
to  Keepe  your  Boddy  intyre  ;  (otherwais  I  stand  to  my 
former  demand)  &  in  that  case.  I  offer  to  your  considera- 
tion, whether  you  will  not  rather  bend  towardsYorkesheere 
to  save  my  L  Newcastll  (who  is  lykely  to  be  in  verry 
great  distresse)  &  to  leave  the  Scots,  then  to  reduce 
Lancashire  ;  if  they  bee  bothe  possible,  that  of  Yorkeshire 
is  certainely  of  much  more  consequence  ;  but  this  is 
meerely  to  consult  not  to  comande  (as  concernincr  this 
alternative)  w'^  I  asseure  you  I  have  &  meane  to  doe,  in  all 
cases  possible,  according  to  the  Places  that  we  ar  distant 

*  The  Earl  of  Manchester,  instead  of  uniting  with  Essex,  marched 
north,  and  was  General  of  one  of  the  three  armies  by  which  York  was 
besieged,  and  he  commanded  the  left  wing  of  the  Parliamentary  forces 
at  Marston  Moor.  He  was  deprived  of  his  command  by  the  operation 
of  the  self-denying  ordinances,  and  after  the  Restoration  was  made  Lord 
Chamberlain.     He  died  in  167 1. 

t  Sir  William  Waller,  M.P.  for  Andover,  Eieutenant-General  in  the 
Parliamentary  army,  Waller  was  surnamed  in  the  early  part  of  the 
war  William  the  Conqueror,  but  subsequently  he  failed  to  justify  this 
epithet. 


one  frome  the  other:  8:  be  confident  many  men  has  & 
shall  faire  the  better  for  your  good  estimation,  none  the 
worse,  amongst  whome  Colonel  Charles  Garret*  hathe  cK: 
shall  bean  instance  :  «5c  in  every  thino-  else  vou  will  fvnd<' 
jiie  to  be 

Your  loving  Oncle  &  most 
faithfull  friend 

CILARLES  R. 


[Xo.  g. 
Nepiieu 

I  have  no  more  to  say  to  \'ou  concernincr  the 
maine  business  then  I  have  alreddy  written  to  you,  by 
my  Lo:  Biron,  &  by  two  dispaches  since  ;  only  1  send  you, 
heere  inclosed,  the  best  intelligence  I  have,  concernini: 
Northern  Affaires  (the  one  I  am  sure  is  too  trew,  the 
other  I  believe,  as  coming  from  a  good  hand)  that  }'ou 
may  the  better  judge  what  is  fittest  for  you  to  doe  for 
my  service. 

You  will  alreddy  have  knowen,  by  my  Lo  :  Biron, 
the  cause  of  the  mistaking  concerninor  Wasshineton,!  c<: 
desyring  to  repaire  it,  I  offer  this  expedient,  that  you 
would  send  him  &  his  Regiment  hither  as  part  of  the 
2,000  Foote  I  have  sent  for,  to  you,  (supplying  Easam 
with  other  Men)  &  then  I  meane  to  make  him  Lieutennant 

*  Charles  Gerard,  afterwards  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Horse  in 
the  Royal  army;  created  Baron  Gerard  of  Brandon,  Nov.  8,  1645. 
See  Introduction,  p.  Ixi. 

t  Sir  Henry  Washington  was  probably  Colonel  Washington,  who  in 
1643  succeeded  in  entering  Bristol  by  assault  when  that  city  was  be- 
sieged by  Rupert.  The  place  at  which  he  entered  was  subse(|uently 
known  as  ''  Washington's  bush."  He  was  subsequently  knighted,  and 
served  in  the  Royal  army  till  the  end  of  the  war.  In  1646  he  was 
appointed  Governor  of  Worcester,  which  he  defended  resolutely  for 
three  months,  and  then  surrendered  on  honourable  terms.  He  was  of 
the  same  family  as  George  AVashington  the  American  patriot. 


8 

Governour  of  this  Cittle  :  if  you  can  fynde  a  better,  I 
shall  be  glad  to  take  it,  for  I  asseure  you  he  is  no  more 
esteemed  by  you  than  he  is  Ijy 

Your  loving-  Oncle  &  most 
faithful!  frcnd 
Oxford  24  Ap  CHARLES   R. 

1644 


[No.  10.] 

Malberro  8  Feb. 
May  it  please  Y""  High'^'  [1643] 

I  know  not  howe  well  to  ijivc  crcdite  to  it  but  there 
IS  two  gentlemen  now  commc  from  Newberie  frighted 
from  thence  the  last  nightt  by  intelligence  they  had  of 
some  of  the  enemies  forces  were  to  come  into  Newberie 
invited  thither  by  the  townesmen  whoe  have  only 
reported  the  plague  to  bee  there  to  keepe  the  Kings 
troopes  oute,  how  slight  soever  this  maye  bee,  sure  I  am 
that  disaffected  towne  can  nott  bee  to  much  punished  by 
Y'"  High""'  for  att  my  coming  from  Basingstoke  they 
stopped  all  our  baggage  and  had  detained  it  butt  thatt 
they  hered  wee  were  stronc:  cnouirh  to  revencre  itt.  The 
Sherife  of  this  Countie  intcndes  to  bee  heer  this  day  to 
order  some  things  for  his  Matics  services  ;  these  S'  are 
the  reasons  thatt  keepe  mce  a  day  longer  in  this  burntt 
&  plundered  quarter,  to-morrow  I  shall  obey  the  com- 
mand I  have  to  remove  to  Andever  &  doute  not  but  that 
sudenly  Y'  High""'  would  receave  a  good  accountt  con- 
cerning the  designe  thatt  thatt  is  in  the  weye  to 
From  Y'  Hicrh"  most  humble  faithfull 

Servant 

GRANDISOX.* 

*  William  Villiers,  Viscount   Grandison,  Colonel  of  Horse   in  the 
Royal  army.     See  Introduction,  p.  xv. 


\ 


[No. 


1 1. 


May  it  please  your  moste  excellente  Majestic, 

To  give   me    leave    to    acquainte    you    with  tlie 
presente  condition  I  am  in  S'  William  Brewerton  is  come 
downe  with  fower  hundred  horse    and  dragooncrs  and 
joyned  with  S^  John  Cell  att  Darbye,  who  had  a  thousand 
dragooners  and  foote,  and  the  Lorde  Greye  is  att  Leicester 
with   five  hundred.     Theis  with  (Cavelrie)  are  drawing 
all  againste  my  Lord   of  Chesterfield  and  my  selfe  and 
more  they  expecte.      If  I  had  anie  considerable  strcngthe 
this  Countie   would  be    of  greate    importance    to   your 
IMajestie,  and   I   finde  the  people  well  inclinde  but  if  I 
quitte  the  Countrie  all  these  part  are  utterlie  lost-  though 
my  Lorde  of  Chesterfield,  the  gentlemen  with  me,  and 
myselfe  are  resolute  to  light  itt  out   to  the  laste  if  itt  be 
possible  to  keepe  this  place,  but  wee   humblie  beseeche 
your  Majestic  to  comand  us  speedie  aide  from  Banburie, 
otherwise  wee  may  be  all  loste,  and   )'our  cause  suffer, 
which  is  more  deare  to  me  than  the  life  of 

Your  humble  and  loyall 

Subjecte  &  Servant 

H.   HASTLNGS.* 


/■ 


\shby  de  la  Zouch 

Sunday  15  January 
3  of  the  Clocke. 

Addressed  ''  To  his  moste  excellente  Majistie  at  his  Court 
att  Oxenforde  humblie  presents  theis." 

*  Henry  Hastings,  second  son  of  Henry,  fifth  Earl  of  Hiintinirdon, 
General  of  the  Royal  forces  in  cos.  Leicester,  I)crI)V.  Xottmgharn', 
Lincoln,  Rutland,  and  Stafford  :  created  Baron  of  Lougliborougl^  Oct' 
23,  1643.     See  Introduction,  p.  xxxii. 


TO 


I  I 


[^ 


I  ) 


Sir 


I  reckon  it  a  ciTfMto  l)l('.ssincr  that  voii  arc  soc^ 
ncerc  us  for  vour  tanv  Lr»'tts  crcditt  to  \T)iir  Servants  and 
since  th<.;  report  onlx'  ot  xour  aproachin^'  wee  Ikivc' 
prospered  niiicli  ;  1)1  it  to  complcat  our  ho|)('^  wlicn  \'ou 
come  amongst  lis.  I  sh.dl  make  nor  doLd)t  hut  witli  tht^ 
help  ot  God.  that  thi.^  countrir  will  ho  soono  reduced. 
And  I  male  assure  \"ou  that  when  wo  can  Ijo  (piif.at  heer  it 
will  be  great  advantage  to  his  ^hi"  \sorvico  for  I  am  sure 
no  Countv  in  this  Kine'dinmc.  stcUidcs  Ix-ttor  affoctod  Scxi 
as  our  onlv  desire  is  that  N'our  HiL-imoss  onco  arjearinL'' 
will  gett  some  tlK)ii>amk  licnc*-  to  fullowe  xou.  Th(_:: 
worke  here  will  \n-  short,  and  tlio  advanta^'-o  L-'roau-r  than 
you  can  conceive  hut  to  intormo  you  more  pcuaicularly 
the  l.)eart:r  h('reot  will  rtl.U'^  to  vou  at  h'at«:r  It-asure.  T 
beseech  you  S^  gi\-(.:  cr-'ditt  to  him  inx  ho  understand' 'S  the 
Co'untrit-  right,  and  wiH  rciircscnt  uiito  \-()ii  nothiu"-  biit 
the  truthe.  It  will  hr  a  grt  at*'  fivoin'to  me  if  xaiu  pl(\ase 
to  take  notice  of  him,  a>  on<'  tliai  liatli  d(Mio  futhihillv 
great  service  heor 

I  beseech  God  prosix-r  \-ou,  &  o-^n\h'  vou  heer,  it 
will  be  the  greatest  comf  )rt  that  can  come  unto 

\o\\x  \  lighnoss 
Most  humblo  and  faithkill  Servant 

DERBY.*- 


X<x   13. J 


May  it  please  your  Highnesse 

The  returne  of  my  Lo  Ihron  is  with  that  consider- 
ation taken  to  what  concernes  \T)ur  comonwealth,   as  for 

*  See  Introduction,  p.  xxi.  et  scq. 


X 


the  mattor  of  the  result  ^  the  persons  called  to  councell 
(among  whom  hee  ^^■as  a  principall  adviser)  about   it,  & 
the  whole  state  of  the  Kings  allhires,   as    I    suppose   the 
satisfaction  to  your  reason  in  th.j  o|)inions  are  inclined  to, 
is  so  probable,  as  by  it  in  part  )'ou  may  perceive,  as  also 
from   other   reasons,    that   no   Oxh)rd    motion    if   rightly 
represented   ({    know   not    what   particular  letters    might 
Carrie,  or  from  whom  they  might   be  sent)   could   mouve 
anycauseof  Jealousieof  adessigne  here  ether  to  forestall 
your  judgement  or  prelimett  your  comand.      I  have  bin(' 
present  at  most  of  the  consultations  (till  yesterday  .^ome 
occasions  made  mee  abscait,  <>c  o:'  that  dales  work  my  L(/ 
Biron  will  give  the  best  account)   ^:   in   all   what    I  could 
ever  discerne  the  proceeding  hath  bine  to  propound  only 
by  way  of  cjuestion  all  thinges  of  moment  which  were  to 
be  attended  U)  l;)ee  acted  by  you  or  within  x'our  command, 
to  receive  an  absolute  resolution  accordin-  to  vour  iud-rc- 
mentand  likeing  ;  what  may  have  a])peared  more  primitive, 
as  the   settinge   downe   the    Kinges  condition   here;   the 
urgency  as  was  then   thought   in   time,   and  the  nature  of 
the  thing  itselte,  to  which  perhaps  being  absent  you  could 
not  therefc)re   so  well   speake  to  make  that  at   first   bee 
ventured  on  before  it  was  possible  to  aske  your  opinion  of 
It,  but  the  intl^rences  upon  it  in  rc'lation  to  you  were  never 
so  ibrward  to  conclude  beyond  \vishes   &\he    ingenuitie 
of  not  disguising  so  much  as  was,    is  some  pro()fe   fairc 
dealing  was  meant  where  plainesse  was  used.      I  think  I 
could  not  have  mist  myselfe  so  much,  if  other  had  bine  to 
bee  scene,  or  where  the  Kinges  service,  and  my  ancient 
respect  to  Prince  Rupert  (which  time  workes  no^so  earthy 
effects  upon  as  to  decay)  call  for  my  observation,  that  my 
senses  could  be  deceived,  or  I  not  attentive.      The  most 
that  was  treated  was  when  W;  Legge  was  here,  <!:;:  in  his 
companie  (who  certainlie  is  a  safe  man  to  consult  wiihi  \x\ 


v") 


i 


( 


voiir  int^Tf-sts")  cs:  the  kirih^->t  clismiir^f'.  whith  was  I)Ut 
discourse  neiher  was  Lul  in  a  ca.^c  (.'1  .-uicli  a  nrce.^>iti('  as 
Importtjd  nv)rc  than  OxTdi-.K  whctlicr  prcvr-ntinn  of  torce 
were  not  more  eHgible  than  reparations  in  hopes  ot 
ofrowincT  advantac^es,  consich-rinc;  alon-.^  the  whole  con- 
juncture  of  affaires,  &  then  if  an\thing  of  consequence  were 
to  be  done,  the  fate  of  all  the  Kincres  o-ood  fortune  must 
bring  Prince  Rupert  to  have  a  part  in  it.  &  upon  those 
premises  the  conckision  will  bearc;  his  contentment  which 
I  shall  ever  wish  as  a  great  meanes  before  hand  to  pro- 
cure those  successes  will  cause  it,  and  in  this  think  I 
expresse  myselfe 

Your  Hio^hnesse 
INIost  humble  most  obedient  Servant 

Oxford  J.  RICP^:^IOXD  &  LENOX* 

April   2  1 
at  night 

[No.    14.] 

May  it  pleas  your  Highness 

With  all  the  expedistion  possibly  I  coulde  I  have 
sent  thees  Dragoneers  after  you  I  besitch  God  send  Y' 
Highness  better  sucses  then  I  had  with  them,  for  both 
thay  and  my  horsmen  did  most  shaamfully  loos  the 
bravest  designe  at  Henley  that  ever  was  undertaken  sins 
my  cooming  to  this  Armey,  and  lost  it  not  but  gave  the 
victory  away  w^hen  they  had  allready  possession  of  all 
that  thay  w^ent  for,  and  with  it  I  lost  as  brave  an  oftiser 
as  I  must  ever  hope  to  comand  in  this  Kingdom.  May 
It  pleas  Y'  Highnes  I  am  soe  extreamly  dejected  at  this 
buslnes  that  I  doe  wish  with  all  my  harte  that  eather   I 

*  James  Stuart,  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Lenox,  K.G.,  Lord  Steward 
of  the  Household.     See  Introduction,  p.  xxxvii. 


hail  sum  GoTman,  souldiers  to  commaund.  or  tliat  I 
coulde  intuse  sum  (jerman  corradure  into  theiii,  lor  Y'' 
English  Coninien  souldiia's  are  so  poore  and  l)ase  thru.  1 
could  never  have  a  greater  atliction  light  uppon  me  than  to 
bee  put  to  command  an)'  of  them  1  besitch  y'  highnes  to 
present  my  humble  services  unto  Lift''  Generall  Wlllmot, 
I  am  loth  to  repeat  my  disasters  too  often  or  els  I  would 
have  written  also  unto  him,  whom  I  know  will  suffer  in 
his  thought  with  me 

Your  Highnes  most  humble 

and  most  falthfull  servant, 

A.  ASTON.* 

Reading 

22  Janr. 

The    ennemy  w^eare  but  600  in   Henley  but  yesterday 

theer  came  in  a  1000  foot  mcr  they  have  also  therein  7 

troops  of  hors  and  8  pees  of  cannon. 


[No.  15. 

Honored  Syr 

As  by  my  laste  I  gave  you  an  accounte  of  my 
releeving  |  RelfallJ  castle  soe  by  these  I  must  acquainte  you 
wnth  the  111  newes  of  Its  being  treacherously  solde  by  him 
I  lefte  to  commande  there  who  belnof  a  soldier  sent  to  me 
by  my  Lo.  Generall  and  carrying  himselfe  very  well  at 
that  tyme  the  Prince  tooke  the  close  I  thought  might  have 
been  trusted  but  it  moste  unhappily  proves  othereways 
for  after  a  nights  fight  having  killed  and  hurte  forty  men 
felle  to  treat  and  concluded  to  deliver  It  up  for  a  certalne 
some  of  money  which  treachery  is  noe  small  trouble  to 

*  Sir  Arthur  Aston.  Culond-Gcncral  of  the  Drapjoons  in  the  Rovul 
army,  1642. 


1  -i 


15 


mee.  Syr  I  assure  you  my  waiUc  of  amies  makes  the 
service  I  ouc^ht  to  doe  the  Klnj;  vcr\-  difficulte  the 
Rebells  lyin.L,^  upon  mce  oiic  every  side  and  within  walls 
that  I  canne  attempt  n(>thln-'  against  them  Init  when 
they  come  out  to  mee  which  the}'  doe  not  but  upon 
advantacT  of  mv  absense  and  that  hath  made  Ashle\'  often 
troubled  with  them  I  havIuLT  not  lane  there  this  monthe 
the  force  of  Graye  and  Cell  met  them  the  other  night 
(I  being  in  this  Cownty)  tooke  some  men  and  horse  in 
the  town  and  soe  returnede.  As  I  am  wTltIng  I  receave 
a  letter  from  Mis  Majestle  commanding  mee  to  observe 
the  motions  of  the  Rebells  and  if  they  marche  that  way 
to  followe  them  and  jolne  with  Lo'.  Cayrell  as  there  shall 
be  ocasion  in  all  which  partlculers  I  shall  be  very 
obedient  and  will  suddenl\-  send  into  Lancashire  to  be 
informed  from  thence  and  give  dail\-  advertisements  to 
Prince  Rupert  and  yourself.  Yet  they  lie  in  their 
garrisons  nor  canne  I  learne  they  Intende  to  shewe  only 
Gray  is  marchte  with  some  troopes  but  whether  to  Essex 
or  [EnicdJ  I  am  not  certalne  You  shall  hear  daly  from  me 
that  am 

Your  aftectionate  friend  &  servant 
Tutburry  Castle  F.    HASTINGS.* 

Sonday  one  in  the 
afternoon 

Addressed.      For  his  Malestle  special  service 
To  the  Right  Hono'''Svr  Edward  Xlcholas  Knkdit 

Principal  Secretary  of  State  at  Oxford 
Haste,  haste  IVesent  this 

Poste  haste  F.   HASTENGS. 

*  Ferdinando,  eldest  son  of  Henrv,  ah  Earl  of  Huntingdon;  sum- 
moned  to  Parliament  as  Baron  Hastings,  Nov.  3.  1640  ;  and  sucrecded 
to  the  earldom,  Nov.  14,  1643,  and  this  letter  must  conse<iuently  have 
been  written  before  that  date. 


j  Xo.  1 6.  ] 
Ma\'  it  i)lease  \--  HiL^hns 

1  have  received  too  comandes  from  his  Ma'"  one 
bv  the  hande  of  Mr.  Secretarv  Xiclas,  the  other  v''  E^o 
Dii'-bvcs,  the  latter  contlnes  mee  1)\-  a  narrow  comijass: 
he  comandes  mee  to  take  Ixit  a  i.ooo  foot  and  a  160 
horse:  and  noe  more,  and  yeat  expects  I  should  advance 
neare  Gloster  wheare  the  Rebells  are  1,700  foot  &  1  k^rse, 
Besvdes  I  understande  v'  tlie  Horse  wch  came  out  of 
h'eland  that  were  assined  me  are  otherwayes  disposed  of, 
1  beseach  y  '  S'  lett  mee  have  a  convenient  power  to  doe 
It,  and  a  meanes  for  theire  sul)sistance,  or  lett  mel^egeinn 
wheare  I  may  with  best  safety  wch  is  in  y*-'  welch  syde, 
mv  Eo  Herl)ert  hath  l)roue;ht  a  commission  for  Coll 
Slaughter  to  be  s'jent  major  Generall  of  the  horse  &  my 
Eo  Dic'-bve  wriehts  it  is  thouo-ht  littino-e  that  S'  Francis 
Hawlye  should  have  the  comand  of  the  Horse  under 
mee  (how  to  l)ehav(.'  myself  in  this  I  know  not.)  nor  do  I 
understande  in  what  condition  1  m\'self  am  In.  My  Eo 
Herbert   Is   Generall,    and   }'eat   all   [  ]  are 

directed    to    mee,    wch    Is    not    very    pleaslnge    to    his 
Excellency 

S'    I   humbly  beg  y'  Highn':   pardon  this  treble 


irC 


y"  receive 


from 


s- 


Y'  Pilghn'  most  humbke  Servant 

\VH.E  VAVASUR.* 

*  Sir  William  Vavasour,  Clarendon  states,  "  commanded  all  the 
forces  in  South  Wales  (the  Lord  Herbert  having  been  persuaded  so  for 
to  comply  with  the  indisposition  of  that  people  as  to  decline  tliat  com- 
mand, or  at  least  for  a  time  to  dissemble  it),  as  orders  were  des])atched 
to  him  to  draw  all  his  forces  to  the  forest  side  of  the  town  "'  (Gloucester). 
Later  on,  however,  he  states,  "  his,"  the  king's,  "  army  would  receive  a 
very  great  addition  by  a  body  of  three  thousand  men,  which  was  com- 
manded by  A^avasour  on  the  Welch  side  to  block  up  (Gloucester  from 
annoying  the  country."  Probably  therefore  the  suggestion  made  by  Sir 
William  Vavasour  in  this  letter  was  attended  to. 


1-' 


J 


[x.-^  I-.] 


1  iiofhncsse 


^»   -T    ;t 


fti  in'  er  i8  at  one  in  the  morning 
[1643J 

I  have  lett  the  King  see  what  you  writt  who 
approuves  of  all  in  it,  and  will  accordingly  performe  his 
T  irt  onlv  desires  to  have  certaine  knowledge  when  Essex 
mouved  or  shall  mouve  from  Creklade,  that  if  his  Maj^'^^ 
armie  can  conu:  i me  enough  (which  he  will  ghesse  at  by 
^'--'  -'^  -^^^  IK  e  will  take  up  his  quarter  this  night  at,  or 
i.,v  so  to  reach  Newberry  as  you  propose,  but 
t  i    I  hee  is  loath  to  wearir  ihc  i^     te  after  so 


>, 


i  t  L  L    V.  1 1  i  1 


ruat  a  niar^ 


ii   a 


i\ 


that  manic  arc  liulnn^!  ;    La:^i  n^^iii  !ii\-  L    I  h./]^v  wviii  b^ 
}-nur  IIi;^]niessc   n\   ihu  Kin^n,  onicr  u}i..ii   ilu:   receipt  of 
yours  from  Stamka-d,*  to  which  1  can  a.hU:  what   is  only 
knownc  since  that   beside  Xdivi^or   <S:   some  uther  h>rccs 
WoodhoLise  wih  I  am  conhdcnt  come  to-day  t^)  the  Kin- 
(with  Prince  of  Wales  re-cment  called  700}  lice  lay  last 
night  at  a  place  called  \\\umiington  &   I  then   sent  one 
who  came  from  him  imediately  to  give  him  order  to  march 
presently  hither  to  the   King,   which   I   suppose  may  be 
soone  enoiigh   to  keepe  pace  with    the   motions  of  our 
armie,  which  depends  much  as  the  advertizements  from 
you  will  givQ  information.      The  King  will  acquaint  my 
L^  Generall  with  what  your  Highnesse  now  receives  from 
your  most  humble  Servant 

J.  R.  &  L. 

*  This  letter  is  printed  in ''Rupert  and  the  Cavaliers,"  vol.  ii  p   -^90 
and  refers,  together  with  the  letter  now  published,  to  tlie  evolutions 
immediately  preceding  the  battle  fought  at  Newbury,  afier  the  siege  of 
Gloucester  had  been  abandoned. 


17 


[No.  18.] 

May  it  please  your  Highnesse 

That  which  concernes  dispatch  or  answer  to 
business  you  will  constantly  receive  from  Mr.  Seer 
Nicholas,  who  in  that  writes  for  the  whole  companie,  & 
my  particular  care  is  not  wanting  in  that,  but  what  is  more 
attentivelie  my  studdy,  is  what  may  have  any  referrence 
to  yourselfe  and  therfore  upon  the  receipt  of  yours  last 
night,  perceiveing,  your  Highn^  from  a  hint  taken  of  a 
letter  from  L^  D*  was  in  doubt  that  at  Oxford  there 
might  bee  wrong  judgements  made  of  you  and  of  busi- 
nesse  in  your  quarters,  I  made  it  my  dilligence  to  cleare 
with  the  King  (who  answers  the  same  for  the  Queene) 
which  was  easie ;  so  as  you  may  bee  satisfied,  no  scruple 
at  all  ether  is,  or  was,  of  your  actions,  this  I  say  the  lesse 
ill,  because  you  will  bee  assured  of  the  same  hv  mv  I;^ 
Jtrnnn.  considering  the  jealousi(  \u\^^\l  !:.uo  qrow  no 
Iroiii  buiiie  doubtful  expressions  in  ih  it  J-  u^-^-  ynw  n 
I  >\>^  n\>'  \\  ;di  die 
hand  wilu  bcenied 


L  ;  '    M 


irt! 


•w  it  w.t-^  iinii'  'r^-n  » n  1  ir»  >m 


nih 


,0 


on 


Iv  th 


nicii  L;n<-\"rd  at  iL  a^-u^:!;L^  nee  write 


a. 


o  ad\-ic<-  (>1  sucii  me-lliL''«-nc( 


a^ 


wa>  I  '\'(  ci-nt  heilier. 


<S:  for  intormalK.n,  to  make  use  of  a^  n'ou  could  hot  iud-'o 
how  tipun  the  place.  Yesterday  one  breu-lit  me  \-our 
Lomihsion  to  ijerusc,  hut  it  was  under  tha-  «'-reat  ^eale  so 
as  if  not  so  T)erf -ct  as  wca'e  requisite  amendnienis  could 
not  be(^  made  withnut  hei^inninrr  all  aLraine.  hut  1  did  not 
find  that  necessitic.  for  I  looked  it  ov(a'  cH:  1  tln'nke  it  is 
carefully  drawne.  Wee  heare  m\-  Ld  ll()|)tont  is  Marcht. 
L''  Goring,:    is  well   arrived  in  I  lolland  <^  by  this   is  to- 

*   I. on]  Di^l.v. 

t  Sir  Ralph  I  leiiton  was  crLeitetl  LorJ  Horaeii  in  An-.  i6i:!.  On 
3rd  Xuv.  Ndchulas  wrule  to  Prince  Ri.pcri  iliat  Lord  Hu|,iun  had 
marclicd  to  relieve  A\"incliester. 

I   Lord  (iorin-;,  sent  as  Amba.^sador  to  Paris  in  the  autumn  of  1G43. 

D 


IS 

wards  goeing-  on   his  journey  &  now  the  Khv^  is  hie  to 
church  which  cutis  of  this 

Your  I  IiL^hnesse 

Most  humble  Servant 

9ber  I.   RICILMOXD  &   LEXOX. 

(Xovember  1643). 


!X 


o.    I  9. 


May  it  please  your  Hiq;hnesse 

I    have   not   before  this,   since  yours  of  the  14^'^ 
presumed  to  troubled  to   you  because  the  importance  of 
the  Action  you  were  about  was  (and  as  by  the  successe 
to  your  great  glorie,  joy  of  )-our  friends  and  happinesse  of 
all)  &  is  now  knowne  so  considerable,   as  it   would  have 
bine  great  indiscretion   in  that   time  to   have   given  any 
occasion   to  lead    away   any   thought  from    what   did  so 
much  require  them,  but  this  being  a  time  of  gladnesse, 
as  the  other  was  of  care,  in  you  for  the  publicke,  &  in  all 
for  you  :  give  mee  leave  to  dilate  now  upon  my  particular 
joyes,  &  to  retire  them  so   farre  from   the  present  Jubile 
all  men  are  in  at  your  last  great  victorie,*  as  to  beginne 
with  that  which,  before  this  Jubile,  was  one   to  mee,  the 
honor  &  contentment    I  latelie  received  from   you,  which 
if  value   can   make  precious,  &  an   intent  affection  doe 
anything  to  show  an  acknowledgement,  will  not  bee  lost 
upon  mee.     Your  comand  to  pray  for  you  at  a  time  was 
then  to  come  shall   bee  as  before  my  Generall  rule  what 
is  to  bee   done,   look  into  all   future   times  8z   this  upon 
which   you   directed  it  be  now  passt  I   must  joine   it  to 
the  rest,  that   is  so   &  the  same   way  to,   of  praise,   still 
greater  cause  of  addition  growing.     So   the   division  of 


*  The  stormiiicT  of  Newark. 


19 

present  thoughts  and  wishes  to  come  hath  this  subject, 
to  observe  what  is  due  to  \-ou  cS:  for  )'ou.  This  is  the 
generall  I  ho]3e  I  shall  not  faile  on  my  part  of  the 
practise 

Your  Highnesse 
r\I()si  humble  most  obedient  Servant 

J.   RICHMOXD  &  LEXOX. 

Oxford  March  25 

at  nii'-ht 

13 


) 


Xo.  20. 


May  Itt  please  vour  H iodines 

\  ou  are  welcoume  S' so  manaye  severall  wayes, 
as  itt  is  beyondc;  my  Arethmetick  to  number,  butt  this  J 
knowe  you  are  tlie  redemer  of  the  Xorth  cK:  the  savior  of 
the  Crowne.  "Wjur  name  S'  h:uh  terefide  ihn:  greater 
Generalls  &  theye  fl\-e  before  itt.  Itt  seemes  thc:yer 
designe  is  nott  to  meet  your  Highnes  for  I  bcleve  theye 
have  gott  a  river  betweene  you  r.nd  them  butt  thcvareso 
newlye  gone  as  ther  is  [  noj  sertcntic  att  all  of  them  or  their 
Intentions,  neyther  CcUi  I  resolve  an\-  thiii'>-e  since  1  am 
made  of  nothing  butt  thankfulness  cK:  obedience  to  your 
Highnes  comandes 

\  our  Hignes  most  obliofde 

& 

Most  obedient  Servant 

W.  XEWCASTLE.* 
Yorke 

July  the  first 

1644 

*  William  Cavendish.  Manjuis  of  Ne^vcastle,  Licutcnant-Ocncral  uf 
the  Royal  armies  Rurth  and  south  of  Trent.     Sec  p.  xlix. 


20 


I 


21 


[No.   21. J 

IMaie  It  please  your  HIghnesse 

In  all  places  where  I  come,  Its  my  misfortune  to 
meete  w'^extreame  trouble.  The  Gaurlsons  not  able  to 
bee  malntayned  by  the  Contributions  belonglnc^re  to 
them,  &  vet  the  horse  not  so  considerable  In  number  as  I 
wish:  And  they  unwIllInL^e  to  goe  out  upon  th(^  Enemy 
(especially  such  as  i^oc  under  the  nanie  of  Reformadoes) 
they  shootc:  not  sufficient  to  maintayne  the  Garrisons 
ao-alnst  a  Seld-'-e,  the  provisions  therein  much  wasted  & 
the  makinc^  of  Powder  ^.^  Match  in  all  places  at  a  Stand 
(w^^'  w'-'"-  all  possible  speed  I  am  pressln^c^e  to  svX  forward) 
The  Souldlers  (chc-itly  the  Governors)  discontented  at 
the  Comlssioners,  cK:  the  Country  people  much  exasperated 
ao-alnst  the  pressures  of  the  Souldlers  :  so  that  they 
have  been  ready  to  rise  ag-ainst  the  Guarlsons,  but 
as  yet  are  quieted.  I  have  mett  In  this  place  w'^'  an 
exceedlnee  ereat  trouble  th(>  comanders  &  souldlers 
In  the  Close  at  Litchheld  havlnq;e  shut  out  my  Lo 
Lou(diboroueh,all  or  most  of  the  Officers  artlculcd  ai^ainst 
him  to  the  Kini^e  :  Yet  I  fmde  their  Complaints  not  so 
much   aeainste   his   Lo''  himselfe   as  some    learned    Re- 

o 

formadoes  that  appertayne  to  him,  &  the  most  of  these 
who  complaine  of  him  confessinge  Courtesyes  received 
from  his  Lo^  However  I  tuide  they  have  w'''  joynet 
consent  taken  an  Oath  or  Protestation  o(  hdellty  to  the 
Kincre,  &  another  to  runne  all  one  wave  in  defence  of 
what  they  have  donn  To  reconcile  this  business,  I 
desired  my  Lo  Loughborough's  coming  hither,  &  wrought 
so  farr  with  the  Officers  as  they  all  were  ready  to  give  him 
satisfaction,  acknowledg  their  Errour&  crave  his  pardon 
in  publique.  But  of  this  his  Lo^'  would  not  accept;  but 
would  have  a   Counsell  o(  Warre    called  w'^  will  askc 


' 


0 


tyme  ;  I  cannot  stay.  And,  in  the  mean  tyme,  if  I 
should  comit  any  of  them  (as  in  such  a  case  ought  to  bee) 
All  the  officers  are  so  linked  togeather,  &  all  the  Souldlers 
have  such  dependence  on  them,  not  having  half  men 
enough  to  put  in  &  remove  them  ;  a  greate  Liconvenience 
certainly  would  ensue  to  the  prejudice  of  his  Ma^  Service, 
by  the  probable  apprehension  of  dieir  Errours.  So  in 
this  nature  I  have  left  the  place,  under  the  comand  of 
S'"  Thomas  Tyldesley  &  Colonell  Henry  I^agot  &  am 
going  to  Tutbury  &  after  to  Bridgnorth,  whence  I  received 
Ires  from  the  Comisioners  there  of  the  daunger  by 
practises  of  the  Enemy  upon  that  place,  &  some  discon- 
tents agaiest  S^  Lewds  Kirke,  now  gonn  for  Oxford.  Thus 
havino-  aiven  v  Hicrhnesse  a  breif  accompt  of  the  state 
of  thinges  heere,  I  humbly  take  leave  &  rest 

S^ 

y  Hiirhnesses  most  humble  Servant 

JACOB  ASTE LEY.* 
Litchfield  12  Jan  1645. 


[No.  22. 

Illustrious  Prince 

Altho  the  multlteude  of  Y''  Highnes  more  wyghtle 
affairs  be  arcrument  sufficient  to  Inhlbitt  my  Importenning 
Y^  Hg'  with  my  wTyttIng  yet  the  multlteud  of  grieffs  I 
suffer  by  some  bad  information  I  understand  Y^  Highnes 
have  receaved  of  me,  since  my  parting  w''  Y'  Hg'^  inforces 
me  to  present  to  Y"^  Highnes  vew^  what  I  heave  heard, 
to  wItt,   that  Y^  Hg    after   I    was  gon   to  Skearsbrough 

*  Sir  fact)])  A>tlcy.  Major-Cicncral  of"  the  I-oot  in  tlie  Royal  army, 
1642,  wa^  created  Huron  A^tky  of  Reading,  Nov.  4,  1644.  He  was 
now  Ideld-Marbhal-Gcncral.     bee  InUoduction,  p.  xxvi. 


i  i 


22 


^3 


should  heave  sent  to  steay  me  and  to  recall  me  bak  and 
that  by  reson  of  som  tratourous  act  Y'  Highnes  had  to 
leay  to  my  cheardge,  as  for  the  [first]  which  was  steaying 
of  me  If  yo'  Hg^  at  my  teaking  my  leave  from  you 
had  leavyd  Yo'  least  commands  or  desyrs  upon  me, 
they  should  heave  been  obeyed,  and  if  Yo'  Hygnes 
heave  anything  to  leay  to  my  chearge,  I  can  but 
answyr  Yo""  Fiig""'as  I  have  wryttin  to  His  sacred  Ma''^ 
w'^^  was  that  I  wold  apeir  when  and  wher  His  sacred 
Ma''''  wold  command  me  eather  to  cleir  myselfe  or  suffer 
for  my  oiTence.  The  same  I  offer  to  Y'  Hyghnes  for  I 
reather  suffer  anv  thinir  in  the  world  then  leive  innocentlie 
in  Y'  Highnes  Malgreace,  for  I  dear  plead  my  tho'' 
innocent  from  ay  prejudiciall  thing  to  my  measter  his 
searvice  or  hurtfull  to  Yo'  princelie  feamalie  to  my 
knowlede  and  I  dout  not  bot  vo'  ll\^  can  bear  me  witnes 
in  a  peart.  I  in  all  hemilitie  creav  yo'  Hyghnes  pardonn  for 
my  bouldnes  and  beirof  Y'  Hvirnes  orratious  answer  w^ 
yo'  spidiest  convenience  to  him  who  shall  ever  remeayn 

Yo'  Hyghnes 

trowlie  devoyted  Servant 
Hamburrie  Y^  ETHYN.* 

23  of  January  1645 
Yo'  Hyghnes  will  excuse  the  informalitie  of  this  letter 
my  sicknes  is  the  cause  of  it  for  I  heave  beine  above  4 
months  sick 


[No.  23. 

May  it  please  Y'  Highness 

When  I  have  ask't  your  pardon  for  this  presump- 
tion and  trouble  w'''  your  leave    I    shall    haste    to  the 

*  Sir  James  King,  Knt,  of  Barracht,  Lieutenant-General  under  the 
Marquis  of  Newcastle  in  the  North,  created  Lord  Ethyn,  in  Scotland, 
March  28,  1643. 


f: 
I 


occasion  of  this  letter  ;  Your  old  and  faithfull  Servant 
Capt"  Jo  :  Reichardson  is  heere  in  Y"'  King's  service  as 
diligent  as  his  usual  custome  and  inclination  w"'  his  old 
troope  and  hartes  ;  If  it  please  your  Highness  it  was  Y" 
Kin^^s  command  to  mee  hee  should  heer  jovne  w'''  us 
butt  people  dispos'd  to  make  groundless  carrells  beginn  Y' 
symptomes  of  a  murmure  ;  Y'  Knowledge  of  this  may 
prepare  you  against  those  litle  engines  of  discontent  ;  I 
am  confident  vou  understande  mee  in  this  i)articular;  and 
bv  this  liijhte  vou  shall  bee  unprinced  if  you  beleeve  mee 
nott. 

S^ 

Y^'  most  humble 

Off  Y''  Servants 

J.  O.  GRAXDISON. 

Harrington  Feb.'  Y^  7 


[No.  24.] 

May  it  please  Yr   Highness 

I  finde  now^  there  is  little  hope  that  my  Lord  of 
Louehboroueh  will  satisfy  Yr  Hiohness  expectation,  and 
therefore  upon  the  first  oportunity  1  shall  attempt  to  passe 
for  Oxford,  I  cannot  by  any  means  get  the  fifty  pounds 
which  I  received  here  returned,  but  if  any  will  pay  it  at 
Oxford  he  shall  have  it  certainly  upon  your  Highness's 
signification  thereof  repayed  him  here.  The  Lo  Ashtely 
is  returned  and  after  the  reliefe  of  Maxfield,  pursued  the 
Rebells  and  tooke  two  pieces  of  Ordnance,  some  of  them 
got  into  a  church  and  maintained  the  Steeple  untill  they 
were  fired  out.     here  is  not  any  of  the  4000   men  which 


N 


24 


25 


were  undertaken  at  Oxford  to  [be]  reculted,  yet  levyd,  nor 
cannot  be  considered  possible  by  any  rationall  men,  the 
Enemy  is  active  in  every  place,  but  here  wee  live  as  it 
possest  with  a  lethargy.  I  shall  ever  pray  for  Yr  High- 
ness happiness  remaining 

Yr  H^ 

Most  obedient  Servant, 

RALPH   GOODWIN.* 

Worcester 

Feby  7  1645 


[No.  25.] 

By  this  inclosed  you  perceive  the  distresses  of  the 
North  and  now  the  choice  is  whether  you  will  desert  Y'' 
Countrie  now  gained  &  possest  or  serve  against  a  fresh 
enemie  I  pray  resolve  speedily  of  it  ;  and  make  all  the 
haste  hither  you  may  it  is  ver\-  fitt  the  Prince  be 
acquainted  with  it  for  if  S^  Th.  Fairfax  joyne  with  the 
Rebells  all  these  forces  in  these  pts  and  those  in  PJarby- 
shire  must  joyne  and  follow  them  Sir  a  counsell  of 
warr  must  necessarily  be  called,  &  the  prince  acquainted 

with  it. 

Your  most  faithfuU  Servant 

28  March  S.  TUKE.t 

Lincoln 

Addressed 
These  for  the  honorable  Mr.  Porter  Major  Generall 

at  Newark 

*  Probably  Ralph  (ioodwin,  M.P.  for  Ludlow,  i6-(o. 
t  Samuel  Tuke,   Colonel  in   the   Royal  army  ;    created  a  Baronet, 
March  31,  1664. 


I 


No.   26, 

i\Lay  It  please  Y  Highness 

Just  as  I  was  coming  to  my  quarters  about  9  a 
clock  I  had  intelligence  by  a  couple  ofprissoners  taken  by 
the  quarter  maister  of  Worcester  Collonell  Sandes  that 
puphery  Iss  quartered  att  Camden  this  night  5  troopes  of 
'and]  2  of  Dragoones,  and  that  this  morning  he  came  from 
Warwyck.  As  yett  I  understand  nothing  to  the  contrary 
that  he  is  not  ther  :  to  all  the  quarters  round  a  bout  I 
gave  notice.  Sands  &  Collonell  Weslons  regiments  are 
drawn  between  him  and  WcU-w\ck  I  am  now  going  towards 
him  on  this  siyd,  l)y  brak  of  day  iff  they  answer  our 
resolution  :  1  hope  wee  shall  make  him  pay  for  oiu'  losse 
att  his  house  of  this  I  thought  fitt  to  aquaint  Yr  highness. 
Iff  any  orders  cam''  it  should  not  fmd  here 

Yr  hio'hness's  most  humble  Servant 

DANILLL  O'NLILLE.* 
Broadwav. 


[No.   27.' 

Charles   R 

Whereas   Our    Right    Deare   &  entirely   beloved 

Nepheu  Prince  Rupert  did  at  a  Councill  of  warr  held  by 

us  at   Newarke    the    iS'''of  this   instant   October  there 

belncr  then  present  Our  Right  trusty  c<:  Right  well  beloved 

Cosen  &  Councillor    Mountague    Erie  of  Lyndsey  Lord 

Great  Chamberlayne    of  England   Our   Right   trusty  & 

Riaht  well   beloved    Cosen    Richard  Erie  of  Corke,  Our 

*  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  Prince  Ruytert's  Regiment  of  Horse  ;  after- 
wards (Iroom  of  the  liedchamber  to  the  Kin-.  See  Introduction,  p.  Iv. 
Several  characteristic  letters  of  O'XeiHe  will  be  found  in  Carte'.  -  Cul- 
lection  of  Original  Letters  and  Papers  concerning  Lngland/"  from  1641 
to  1660. 


26 

Right  trusty  &  well  beloved  Jacob  Lord  Asteley  Field 
Marshall  Generall  of  Our  Army  John  Lord  Bellasis 
Captaine  Generall  of  Our  Horse  Guards,  &  Charles  Lord 
Gerrard  Lieutenant  Generall  of  all  Our  Horse  Forces, 
Our  trusty  &  well  beloved  S'  Richard  Willis  Knight  & 
Baronc^tt  Governor  of  Xewarke,  &  fohn  Ashburnhani 
Esq  Our  Treasurer  at  warr,  desire  to  cleere  hiniselfe  for 
the  renderinor  of  the  Cit\'  &  (jarrison  of  Ikistoll  with  the 
Castle  6c  Forces  thereof,  &  thereupon  produced  a  narr;itive 
of  the  matter  of  fact  during  the  said  sii-dgc  \\\\\\  the 
Articles  for  the  rend(.'rinLr  (jfthos*"  places,  wliich  Ih-iul'' 
accordinirh' read  &  cr»nsid'T»-d  Wrs-  wt-f  ilv-ii  pif-a^t-d  to 

Our   ^>L;d    \  I  piit- u   to  be 
fidflitv  to  us  in 


sav  that  Wrc   did    xv  a   \)'- 

guiltV  of  AXW    th^'    l^M^l    \\\i!l 

the  do'iij"    tllf  fff  A  \  >::.l  w  it 


\ 


ia\'f 


1 

K^ 


'!)! 


1 


.\- 


w 


I  }■ 


\x  A"; 


:nc 


\\ 


CO 


P'  r 


i  i 


a  ij  ~^  ( i . 
th^.'    I' 

OuTi 

1 

t  n    ) 

(  )or  s 
hee  ill 

of   llOi 

had  n. 


tf  iy  o^.  Ix'  o  ^peedih   t     have  drawen  together  all 

nccb  wc  pussibly  could  Cv    to  have  hazarded  Uur 

'  r     11  h  k'  his  relief,  Our  Design  being  so  layed  as 

j  :obabilit\    ii  would  have  succeeded,     lo   which 

I  'care  Nepheu  answered  that  what  ever 


i\  .u 


A- 


)t  n 


prt 


,-- 1.-, 
I,  i  I 


V   .ii.  . 


;,  1 1  U 


11  Vvos  bv  the  advice  of  the  Councell  of  warr 
'^nn,    Ov  tiiat  he   could   not  in   his  Judgment 

L  >L:ch  reliefe  besides  hee  alleadged  that  hee 
V'   I  from  Us  any  intimation  thereof  but  said 

1  h^  u  ould  have  mayneteyned  those  places 
oi  tfOMicrh  the  tender  reguard  he  had  to  the 
t'i  -^  many  '^U^icers  &  Souldiers  was  the 
1  that  induced  him  to  capitulate  for  the 
uOvsng  so  long  X:  faithfully  served  Us  All 
Right  Deare  Nepheu  humbly  submitted  to 


^-  »^- 


lent 


I  r   ..  which  at  a  Second  hearing  before  Ourselfe 
V  of  October  the  Lords  &  others  above  named 


M 


being  then  likewise  present  &  upon  a  serious  considera- 
tion of  the  whole  matter  wee  were  then  pleased  to  declare 
that  Wee  were  fully  satisfyed  that  Our  said  Right  Deare 
Nepheu  Prince  Rupert  is  not  guilty  of  any  the  least  want 
of  courage  or  fidelity  to  Us  or  Our  service  In  that  Action, 
&  Wee  then  gave  leave  to  the  Lords  &  other  abov  speci- 
fied to  declare  their  oppenions  In  diat  po\'nt. 

Who  upon  Our  leave  &  a  full  consideration  of  the 
narrative  tormerh"  delivered  did  unanimously  concurre 
with  t!s.  declaring  likewise^  that  Our  said  Right  Deare 
Xcphmi  is  not  giiik\  of  an\-  the  least  want  ot  cf)iir;igc  or 
iidciitx'tf)  [  s  or  Our  scr\-icc  in  that  Action.  Given  iinilcr 
Our  Si-n*-  Maiiuail  ai  Our  CoLirt  at  X 
( )Lioi)t;r   1  04  ; 

Command 


cwark   this    2 1 


'4j 

I  e      ]  O       '^  f 
J  >  \     i  i !  '-'    -  O  I  i  i„ 


;*  * 


n  V 


[No.  28.] 

May  it  please  Y'  Highnesse 

This  nyght  I  was  w'^  the  King  whoe  expresses 
greate  kindnesse  to  you,  but  beleevs  Y'  partinge  w^^  him 
was  soe  much  the  contrary  as  Y'  Hignesse  cannot  think 
it  but  a  finill.  How  truly  Sir  his  Majestye  conceaving 
it  soe  in  my  oppinion  tis  fftt  you  should  make  sume 
hansume  applycation,  for  this  reason,  because  my  Lord 
Duke  and  others  here  are  much  Y'^  servants,  And  all 
that  are  soe  wish  yre  returne  to  Courte,  though  it  be  but 
to  part  frendlye  but  I  think  it  necessary  you  prepar  the 
waye  first  by  letters  to  the  King.  S""  I  have  no  designs 
in  this  but  Y""  servyce,  and  if  you  understand  me  rightlye 

*  Sir  Edward  Walker,  Knt.,  Secretary  to  the  Council  of  War;  after- 
wards Garter  King-at-Arms,  and  Clerk  of  the  Council. 


28 

that  will  prevayle  soe  much  as  you  will  consyder  what  I 
saye,  before  you  resolve  the  contrarye,  I  knowe  there  be 
sume  are  your  enemys  but  they  are  such  as  may  barcke, 
b  :  I  i:  1  confident  are  not  able  to  fytt  ag^  you,  appeare 
thui._K  r<  >  I  beseech  you  Doe  not  contrybute  to  the 
s;it\>f  u  t'nn  of  ^  -  firs  nnd  ruyne  of  yr  frends  by  nec^lect- 
ing^-  any  ihirw^^  x.  in  y  ;.^wcr  to  mal-n ^  peace  nidi 
f.,rtunr.  If  nU.T^Ji  u"  am -nnn->  lu  be  rigiiiH 
voii  shnii  tn\l-  Mf  ihaL  \.n  \'-n  rannnf  wa) 
that  action,   tir,  \     L  n^ic  )■ 


.  !-.     t 


1-s  \ 


a  K  U  i        >  U  i   M  i  i  .  I        t 


L-    M 


( i '  1  ■  I  r   a  ,1 : 


\nd 


ho    ni' rv 


I    know    not    i)nL    rt-any   >    nni}'    I    :a)-ak   nu" 


Winn     oi 
:n)ral 


Kingn    not     in     a    cnnaui<ai 

may   sa\-L 

opinvun  as  a  pnrr^on  that  vahn-s  you  .ilx.vo  all  tin    wcn-ld 
besvdcs.       I  am  conluhau  yon  know  how  laithtuliy   my 
hartc  Is  to  your  Mig-hno^  And  how  much  1  am 
Your  Hi'din('Sso>  most  obedient  humble 

Servant 


Oxford  this  Thursday 
night  3  o'clock. 


No  date  or  signature.] 


29 

in  the  meane  time  S""  I   thought  it  my  duty  to  acquaint 
you  with  thus  much,  and  that  I  am  faithfully 
Your  Highnesse 

Most  obedient  Servant 

HEX  OSBORXT-  * 

London  Vovemb 

the  i   i045 


[No.  30.] 

Mav  it  |,)loase  )\)ur  llighnchS 

The  King  hath  commanded  me  to  signifx'  to  yo' 
highness  that  Coll  Will  Leg  hath  faithfully  delived  to  his 
INIa'^'all  he  had  in  command  from  yc/ to  w^'' his  Ma'^'  hath 
taken  only  some  little  excepsons,  w"  the  Collonell  hath 
only  from  the  King  to  acquaint  yo''  highnes  w^-'  all  by 
word  to  whom  his  Ma^>"  desires  )'o^  to  give  cred  this  being 
all  I  have  in  command  at  p''sent  to  deliver  to  yo^  hignes 
from  his  I\Iat^'  I  humbly  rest 


[No.  29.] 


May  it  please  your  Highnesse 

This  morninge  I  presented  your  letter  to  the  Lords 
who  have  resolved  to  grant  your  desires  in  it  and  have 
sent  it  downe  to  the  house  of  Commons  for  their  agree- 
ment with  them  and  upon  Monday  it  will  be  consented  to 

there  [ 

]  make  the  greatest  haste  I  can,  the  [ 

]  and  shall  give  you  further 
intelligence  of  my  proceedings  as  there  shall  be  occasion. 


Yo'  highnes 

Most  humble  Servant 

EDW  NICHOLAS.t 


Oxon  7  Dec'  1645 
(addressed) 

ffor  his  Highnes 

Prince  Rupert  att 

Woodstock-these 


*  Sec  Introdviction,  p.  Ixxix. 


t  Secretary  of  Slate. 


v^l 


^ 


31 


[No.  31.] 

To  his  Excellencie  S'  Thomas  FIrefax  general! 

of  the  Parliamen  Forces. 

The    humble  petlcon  of   the   Inhibants  of   the   Prsh   of 
Westbury  In  the  County  of  Wilts 

Sheweth 

That  yo'  poore  peticone'  are  willing  to  undergoe 
theire  pporconable  tax  of  the  generall  burthen  of  this 
Kingdom  according  to  yo'  Excellencies  declaracons  and 
the  ordinances  of  parliament,  pvided  that  wee  may  be  tyed 
to  no  other  inconvenience  than  vo'  Excellencies  declara- 
cons  &  the  ordinances  of  parliam^  doe  divulge  And  that 
yo'  peticoners  may  be  at  a  certainty  to  know  the  worst 
of  o'  sufferings  w'^  we  shall  cheerefully  undergoe  for 
the  furtherance  of  the  publique  goode  in  relacion  to  the 
parliam'  and  armie  And  whereas  the  parliam'  and  yo' 
Excellencie  in  goodnesse  have  afforded  us  very  goode 
orders  and  declarons  the  benefits  whereof  wee  w^ant  videlt 
that  if  the  country  shall  pay  the  60000'  p  mensem  they 
shall  be  freed  from  free  quarters  W^hereof  six  monethes 
demandes  we  have  already  payde  and  the  other  three 
monethes  now  questioned  wee  are  ready  to  pay  and  yet 
ax^e  constantly  burthened  w'^  free  quartering  and  that 
w""^  hath  next  relacon  to  free  quarter  as  may  appeare 
by  o'  accompte  of  the  charge  w""^  the  sayde  towne 
and  pish  have  beene  at  w""^  amounts  to  above  the 
pporcon  of  o'  rate  for  the  60000'  p  mensem  already 
the  continuance  of  w^^  y""  poore  peticoners  are  not 
able  to  undergoe  And  whereas  the  rumo'  of  the  soul- 
diers  paying  for  theire  quarters  may  appeare  to  the 
world  to  be  somthing  yet  wee  find  it  in  effect  nothing  or 
w'^In  one  degree  of  free  quarter  as  shall  appeare  to  yo' 
Excellencie   and   the   parliam'  videlt   that   a   Troope   of 


fi 


Dragoones  of  one  hundred  besides  Officers  under  th( 
commaund  of  captain  Barrington,  p't^nding  yo'  Excel- 
lencies order,  heive  quartered  upon  us  thirty  dayes 
already  and  those  who  refuse  to  quarter  them  are  con- 
strayn"^  to  pay  3'  a  day  for  horse  and  man,  p^'tending 
that  they  will  discharge  theire  quarters  when  they 
receive  their  pay  w"''  pay  being  by  them  received  yo' 
peticoners  canne  make  it  appeare  that  they  received 
not  above  the  fifth  pte  of  what  the  charge  of  quartering 
amounts  unto.  So  that  yo'  petlcon''  are  like  to  undergoe 
the  burthen  of  free  quarters  and  pay  theire  rates  to  boote 
unless  the  parlianf  and  yo'  Excellencie  be  pleased  to 
consider  the  distressed  estate  of  this  country. 

Yo'  peticon''  having  delivered  the  irrievances  of 
this  psh  doe  humbly  desire  yo'  Excellencie  to  consider 
of  the  destressed  estate  wee  are  now  in  beini"-  the  least 
and  poorest  hundred  in  the  county  as  will  aj^peare  to 
yo'  Excellencie  upon  further  examinacon  And  doe 
farther  desler  that  yo"  will  be  pleased  to  give  us  a  posi- 
tive order  under  yo'  hand  and  seale  what  yo'  peticoners 
shall  allow  the  souldiers  upon  a  march  or  upon  a  setded 
quarter  And  In  regard  we  have  formerly  suffered  so 
farre  beyond  other  places  we  humbly  desire  that  we  may 
be  freed  from  that  settled  quarter  both  for  the  tyme 
p'sent  and  future,  unlesse  it  bee  uppon  a  march  for  a 
night  or  two,  that  so  we  may  avoyde  the  commaund  of 
the  soulders  or  to  be  at  theire  disposure  and  yo'  petlcon'^ 
shall  as  In  duty  bound  ever  pray  for  yo'  Excellencie 
February  this  last 

1647. 

THOMAS   HANCOCKE,  Mayor. 
Here  follow  twelve  other  slenatur^s. 


[Ko.  31.] 

To  his  Excellencle  S'  Thomas  Firefax  gencrall 

of  the  Parh'amen  F^orces. 

The    humble  peticon  of   the  Inhibants  of   the   Prsh   of 
Westbury  in  the  County  of  Wilts 

Sheweth 

That  yo'  poore  peticone'  are  wilhng  to  undergoe 
theire  pporconable  tax  of  the  g-enerall  burthen  of  this 
Kingdom  according  to  yo""  Excellencies  declaracons  and 
the  ordinances  of  parliament,  pvided  that  wee  may  be  tyed 
to  no  other  inconvenience  than  yo'  Excellencies  declara- 
cons &  the  ordinances  of  parliam' doe  divulge  And  that 
yo'  peticoners  may  be  at  a  certainty  to  know  the  worst 
of  o'  sufferings  w*"^  we  shall  cheerefully  undergoe  for 
the  furtherance  of  the  publique  goode  in  relacion  to  the 
parliam'  and  armie  And  whereas  the  parliam'  and  yo' 
Excellencie  in  goodnesse  have  afforded  us  very  goode 
orders  and  declarons  the  benefits  whereof  wee  want  videlt 
that  if  the  country  shall  pay  the  60000'  p  mensem  they 
shall  be  freed  from  free  quarters  Whereof  six  monethes 
demandes  we  have  already  payde  and  the  other  three 
monethes  now  questioned  wee  are  ready  to  pay  and  yet 
are  constandy  burthened  w'^  free  quartering  and  that 
w''^  hath  next  relacon  to  free  quarter  as  may  appeare 
by  o'  accompte  of  the  charge  w'^  the  sayde  towne 
and  pish  have  beene  at  w^^'  amounts  to  above  the 
pporcon  of  o""  rate  for  the  60000'  p  mensem  already 
the  continuance  of  w^^  y""  poore  peticoners  are  not 
able  to  undergoe  And  whereas  the  rumo""  of  the  soul- 
diers  paying  for  theire  quarters  may  appeare  to  the 
world  to  be  somthing  yet  wee  find  it  in  effect  nothing  or 
w^^in  one  degree  of  free  quarter  as  shall  appeare  to  yo' 
Excellencie   and   the   parliam'  videlt   that   a   Troope   of 


".I 


Dragoones  of  one  hundred  besides  Officers  under  tht 
commaund  of  captain  Barrington,  p'tending  yo'  Excel- 
lencies order,  have  quartered  upon  us  thirty  dayes 
already  and  those  who  refuse  to  quarter  them  are  con- 
strayn^  to  pay  3^  a  day  for  horse  and  man,  p''tending 
that  they  will  discharge  theire  quarters  when  they 
receive  their  pay  w*^^  pay  being  by  them  received  yo'- 
peticoners  canne  make  it  appeare  that  they  received 
not  above  the  fifth  pte  of  what  the  charge  of  quartering 
amounts  unto.  So  that  yo""  peticon""^  are  like  to  undergoe 
the  burthen  of  free  quarters  and  pay  theire  rates  to  Ijoote 
unless  the  parlianV  and  yo^  Excellencie  be  pleased  to 
consider  the  distressed  estate  of  this  country. 

Yo""  peticon--^  having  delivered  the  grievances   of 
this   psh  doe  humbly  desire  yo^  Excellencie   to  consider 
of  the  destressed  estate  wee  are  now  in  being  the  least 
and    poorest    hundred   in    the  county  as  will  a])peare  to 
yo""    Excellencie    upon    further    examinacon       And    doe 
farther  desier  that  yo"  will  be  pleased  to  give  us  a  posi- 
tive order  under  yo*"  hand  and  sea:e  what  yo''  peticoners 
shall  allow  the  souldiers   upon  a  march  or  upon  a  setded 
quarter     And    in  regard  we  have  formerly  suffered   so 
farre  beyond  other  places  we  humbly  desire  that  we  may 
be   freed    from    that   settled   quarter   both    for   the  tyme 
p^sent   and   future,   unlesse  it  bee  uppon  a  march  for  a 
night  or  two,  that  so  we  may  avoyde  the  commaund  of 
the  soulders  or  to  be  at  theire  disposure  and  yo^  peticon'^ 
shall  as  in  duty  bound  ever  pray  for  yo""  Excellencie 
February  this  last 
1647. 

THOMAS   HA.NXOCKE,  Mayor. 
Here  follow  twelve  other  signatures. 


J- 


I 


A  Rate  made  for  the  maintay nance  of  S^  Thos  Firfix 

Armle. 
Bratton 


Westbury 

Chantrey 

Borough 

Hey  wood 

Brooke 

LIgh 

Bayly  in  hgh 

Lambridge  Prior 

Shortsbrett 

Chapmanslade    . 

Henby 

Dilton 

Bayley  in  H  Lawbridge 

The  Names  of  the  3  soulders  that  quartere  at  the 

Bell^ 

WiUiam  Birein 
John  Gilbert 
William   Broughton. 


25 


I  2  &  halfe 
12  &  halfe 

4  &  halfe 
I  2  &  halfe 
1 8  &  quarter 

5  &  halfe 
9  &  halfe 

3 

3  &  quarter 

3  &  quarter 
1  2  &  quarter 
5  &  halfe 
3  &  halfe 


[No.   32.] 

According  as  by  order  we  weare  required  :  we 
have  considered  ;  &  cannot  find  of  what  tything  y^  vica- 
rige  of  Westbury  is  :  for  we  never  find  y^  it  was  rated 
formerly  by  any  tything  as  a  member  thereof.  Also  we 
have  considered  of  its  value  :  and  doo  conceave  y^  it  is 
worth  about  ^60  o^.  od.  p.  anum  in  y^  full  But  y^ 
burdens  of  cures  &  thenthes  discharged  it  is  worth  about 
£23  OS.  od,  p  annum  wich  being  an   inconsiderable   sum 


* 


1 


for  y  maintenance  of  y*^^  vicar  and  his  familie  therfor  the 
parish  hath  not  formerly  nor  dcd  we  now  think  him  fitt 
to  be  rated  to  any  tax  but  are  content  to  exempt  him 
and  to  beare  y'^  proportion  allotted  to  v^  Tvthino-s  w'' 
thout  him  nether  have  we  rated  the  Chantery  tvthino- 
above   its  due  valew  w'^thout  the   addition  of  v"  vicari^n' 

to   it 

the  Dues  of  the  vicariee  as  folloeth 


the  woll 

the   Compo'  for  mills  &c 

for  other  paltry  dues 


£ 

s. 

y. 

45 

0 

0 

I  2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

60 


o 


Of  this  he  Doth  paye  as  folloeth 
£         s.         d. 

20         o         o     a  vear  to  Bratton 
^o  o  o     a  yeare  to  Dolton 

4        10  o     tenthes  besids  charges  for  the 

gathering  of  it   therfor  we  will   intret   you 
to  considder  what  [  ]  will  be    left  to 

maintain    a    mennester    if   he    most    payc^ 
taxses. 

Signed  by  John  Edwards  &  Thomas   Marchaunt 
Constables  and  Eight  Assessors 


Sir 


^^-  Z?^^ 


Although  not  allowed  by  this  Committee  yet  it 
hath  pleased  the  Comittee  of  Lords  &  Commons  upon 
a  due  and  serious  examination,  to  confirme  the  deede 
showed  by  Mr.  Seymour  and  in  persuance  to  that,  have 
granted  an  order  to  the   Committee  of  Wilts  for  takin 


34 


J 


off  the  sequestration.  I  sent  this  bearer  as  well  vv^-^  the 
Order  it  selfe  as  also  w^'"  all  the  proceedings  hoping  he 
should  have  met  the  Coniittee  for  Wilts  at  Malberow 
but  meetinironlv  Mr  Martvn  there  he  advised  this  bearer 
to  repavre  to  vou  and  M""  Selfe  to  whom  I  have  given 
directions  to  attend  on  you  both  desyring  you  get  your 
hand  likewise.      So  I  rest 

Your  very  loving  ffriend  &  Servant 

ANW  SEYMOUR. 
Salisbury 

July  1 6,   1647 


[Xo.  34. 

Paris  Decern  18 
Mv  dearest  Cousin 

If  I  had  not  thought  you  would  have  bene  heare 
before  this  time,  I  would  have  written  offtener  and  fuller 
to  you  :  The  truth  is  I  do  only  deferr  the  setting  downe 
the  time  of  my  goeing  from  hence  and  the  resolving  w'^ 
way  to  goe,  till  I  speake  with  you,  you  know  what  I  am 
promised  to  receave  from  the  French  Court  for  my 
journey,  in  the  meane  time  I  am  sure  I  am  not  only 
without  money,  but  have  bene  compelled  to  borrow  all 
that  I  have  spent  neere  these  3  months  so  that  you  will 
easilv  iudee  how  soone  three  thousand  and  six  hundred 
pistols  will  be  gone,  and  yett  I  must  expect  no  more 
from  hence,  but  depend  upon  what  you  shall  bring  me, 
for  my  shipp,  gunnes,  and  my  share  of  the  prize.  1 
lonee  to  have  vou  here,  and  am  interely 
dearest  Cousin 

Your  most  affectionate  Cousin 

CHARLES  R. 
For  mv  dearest  Cousin 

Prince  Rupert 


.^.^ 


No. 


35 


My  very  good  Lord 

I  looke  upon  his  Highness  Prince  Rupert  as  a 
person  who  besides  his  greate  worth  and  quality  I  doe 
honor  and  regarde  as  one  in  whome  wee  doe  place  our 
greatest  hopes  of  being  the  chiefe  instrument  of  the 
Kingesrestablishment, and  because  I  amwhollvunknowne 
unto  him  I  humbly  pray  Y'  Lo^^  who  have  as  I  am  per- 
suaded a  principal  interest  in  his  Highnes  to  lett  him 
know  what  you  doe  conceive  of  mee  both  in  respect  of 
the  little  experience  I  have  acquird  in  the  world,  and  my 
particular  devotion  to  his  service  of  which  if  his  Hicrhnes 
will  please  for  to  make  a  triall  &  take  mee  into  his  care 
and  owne  me  procuring  mee  from  his  Mas^'  a  present 
reliefe  and  meanes  to  subsist  either  In  the  place  I  am  In 
or  where  I  shall  bee  judgd  more  usfull  for  the  publick 
service  I  will  have  my  whole  dependency  on  his  Highnes 
&  apply  my  selfe  so  entirely  unto  him  as  hee  shall  have 
no  cause  to  complalne  of  this  office  which  I  pray  your 
Lqp  to  performe  unto  him  for 

Your  Lo^ 

Most  humble  Servant 

DE  VIC* 

I  pray  y^  Lo^  to  procure  mee  a  speedle  answere  for  I  am 
in  a  condition  that  will  admitt  of  noe  delay  In  extreme 
want  as  you  may  see  by  this  letter 

Brux  7  June  1653 

*  Sir  Henry  De  Vic,  of  Guernsey,  Envoy-Resident  at  Brussels  fur 
nearly  twenty  years;  created  a  Baronet,  Sept.  3,  1649;  afterwards 
Chancellor  of  the  Or.  !er  of  the  Garter. 


o 


0 


No.   36.J 


)o 


Collogne  6  Feb^  St  No  165; 

IMay  it  please  y'  Highnes 

Understandinii^  by  Mr.  Beynl  of  Ffrancfort  that  y^ 
Highnes  was  expected   shordy    in  these   partes  I  would 
not  fayle  to  present   my  humble  duty  and   service  to  you 
with  such  advertisements  as  1  have  latest  had  from  Engl^ 
This  being   now   my  5^'  letter  sent   yo"  since  y^  Hignes 
commanded  me   to  corres|)ond  w^^'   \'ou  which  I  hope  are 
come   to   vour   hands,  though    I    have   not   heard   as  yet 
whether   v'    Hi-^hnes   hath   received   any  of  them     The 
Princess  Royal  was  expected  round  to  Paris  Tuesday  last 
being  att  Peronne  friday  was  senight  where  the  Duke  of 
Yorke  and  my  Lo  Gerrard  met  her  R.  H.  having  attended 
there  for  her  some  dayes   l)efore.      I  have  herein  sent  yr 
High^  an  extract  of  such   advertisenV^  as  I  have  had   last 
from    Encd'    beincr   the    most   certayne    that   wee     have 
receaved   from   that   miseral)le    kingdom.       Dr    P>aissar 
attended  the   Princess    Roy^'  to   Paris  and  how   long   he 
intends  to  remayne  there  is  not  certayne.      I  heard  from 
Holb'  that   Cromwell   being  by  Newport   y'    I),    ambdor 
in  EngP  pressed  to  acquaint   the   States  w''^   y'   severall 
Articles  between  him  and   France,   refuses   it,    where  at 
the  States  are  much  unsatisfyed  with  Cromwell.     Its  alsoe 
written   from  Holl''  that    Newport   having  lately  spoken 
w^"  Cromwell  concerning  the   king  of  Swedens  proceed- 
incrs  ao-ainstthe  Pr'  Elec''  of  Brandenburg,  that  Cromwell 
answered   him,    that   albeit   he   wished   well   to   Sweden 
whilst  he   prosecuted   warre   in  Poland  yet  now  that  he 
findes  he   hath  turned  his  amies   against  the    Protestant 
Princes  &  Townes  he  will  have  noe  more  to  doe  w'^  that 
king  ;  But  though  possibly  this  may  be   said   by   him  to 


J/ 


Newport  (of  whose  person  &  of  whose  Masters  Cromwell 
hath  noe  esteeme  att  all)  Yet  I  am  confident  it  hath  been 
meerely  to  cajole  them,  for  its  most  certayne  but  Cromw^^ 
is  extraordinarily   carefull   &  is   very   intimate  with   the 
Sweedishe  Ambdor   now  in  EngP  &   in  like  manner  the 
K.  of  Sweden    with   his    (one    Rolt)   Crom wells  envoye 
now  in  their  Army  with  him  with  exceeding  great  kind- 
ness and  respect;  soe  as  its  evident  there  is   still  a  very 
close  intelligence  betweene  the  K.  of  Sweden  and  Crom- 
well.      By   Ires    from   fraunce   its    advertized   that    the 
Articles  of  Peace  &  agreement  betweene  that  Crowne 
and  Crom^  are   by  a  particular  clause  &  condition  to  be 
signed  w^^^''-^  a  limitted  tyme  as  well  by  the  Princes  of  the 
bloud  in  france  as  by  the  iY^  King,  or  else  to  be  invallid; 
and  some  are  of  opinion  that  this  hath  bene  one  principall 
means  of  the  D.  of  Orleans  being  called  to  the  fi'  Court 
where  he  is  dayly  expected  ;  but  there  is  noe  speech  of 
his  daughter  Mademoiselles  peace  being  yet  made.     W  e 
heard  that  the  Hollan^'^^  have  48  sayl  of  men  of  warre,  which 
will  be  ready  to  sett  sayle  for  the  Baltick  Seas  as  soont- 
as  the  season  will  permitt  :  We  heerd  that  the   Erie  of 
Glenearne  and  other  Scot'^  Ld^  who   made  their  Peace 
lately  with  Monke,  upon  their  leaving  the  L  G'^  Middle- 
ton  are  lately  upon  new  frends  and  therefore  imprisoned 
by  Monke     The  letters  brought  by  this  dayes  post  from 
Bruxelles  as  well   from  his  Maj^^' resident  there  as  from 
many  others  assure  us  that  orders  are  now  come  from 
^yladrid  to  y^  King  of  Spains  [Minister]  in  Flanders  to 
take  effectual  orders  to  psecute  the  warre  against  Crom- 
well and  his  fellow  Rebells  in  England  and  to  that  end  to 
prokure  Ires  of  mark  against  the  Englishe,  wherin  the 
adnV^  in  Flanders  are  att  present  very  busy  and   sollici- 
tous  :  Svrall  letters  from  Spayne  also  now  advertyse  that 
*     *     is  in  his  warre  ag^  Crom''  resolved  to  espouse 


* 


38 


HIS    niai 


!11V     niil^r^TS 


!  1 


t!  >'.  i 


ftft 


'Cts,    I' ^r     V 


I 


v\ 


'  ); 


:  n     1 H  .  t  n   \ ,  ■*•  ■ 
III.     1    i ..  *  i  i   i 


lOW     f 


-lyly  t 


f  ■  n 


'S 


jiHjse  ail  1  divert  Cromwells  designs  ai  : 
8:  will  expect  shortly  lu  have  an  order  or 
(iirecson  ir  a  \'  Arch  Duke  &  his  Councell,  that  all  the 
K  ni  Spaynes  Portes  in  Flanders  and  [else  where]  shall 
be  free  and  secure  :  for  any  English  or  others  that  will 
r'^pavrp  into  them  to  serve  against  Cromwell  &  the 
Rebelis  in  HngP.  The  Princesse  Royall  was  expected 
tu  be  att  Paris  Tuesday  last  and  the  ff"  King  &  the 
Queene  his  mother  intended  to  meete  her  Roy^  High'  a 
league  out  of  Paris  to  bring  her  into  that  Citty.  The 
D.  ca  lodena  is  sayd  to  be  returned  from  *  *  * 
towards  July  All  Ires  by  this  post  from  England  con- 
firme  the  news  Cromw"  being  in  great  fryghte  att 
present,  &  of  the  change  of  his  gards,  having  now  every 
nyght  6o  soldiers  that  gard  him  where  he  lodges  If  I 
understand  that  this  comes  safe  to  y'  Highnes,  I  shall 
contvnue  to  send  you  such  occurences  as  we  have  here, 
in  obedience  to  the  comand  receaved  from  you  by 

Your  Highn' 

Most  humble  and  most  obedient  Servant 

EDW  NICHOLAS. 


.^?>5.  , 


LETTERS   FROM 


LORD    PERCY 


TO  THE 


KING  &  PRINCE  RUPERT. 


M 


[NOTE.] 


tl 


■ 


The  writer  of  the  following  letters  was  Henrv  Percy, 
brother  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland.  He  was 
created    Lord    Percy    in    1643    at    the    instance      i    ihc 

Percy  was  one  of  those  who  were  active  in  i  ndea\i'ur- 


lag  u 


^  .  L   '. 


ciiii  \\a 


UV'  ]\fr 


nil-   i  t  ^ 


w  inri 


i  !  \    ! 


il- 


i-       ? 


111!/       i\'  i\'.Ll 

(;:lu^^(.:.  In  i^umi  L  lai'; -n^  lun  :^  blocrrni'iU'  (p.  42.  (dii. 
1750)  il  i^  ^mn'il  iliai  I'rrnv'  int:'niiut;ru  iiini  to  the 
King  ntiur  n  conw  ^^ati()n  ui  whinli  net  othi-r  ri;coril  is 
remaining.  InxcK'cd  in  thf  "  Arnix'  Plot"  nnml  wounded 
l)\'  tlie  C(Hinir\'  |)ee[de  in  Sussex,  he  with  diineiilly  esca[)cd 
to  his  brother's  residcMice  in  London.  "The  L.arl,"  snvs 
Clarendon,  •'  beinL*'  in  ''Teat  troti])le,  had  to  send  him  awav 
bevond  th(-'  seas  alter  hiswoinul  was  ctired,  adxised  with  a 
friend  then  in  |)0wer,  and  who  innocentK^  enouorh  broui-dit 
Mr.  Pym  into  the  council,  who  over-witted  them  both 
by  frankly  consenting  that  Mr.  Percy  should  escape  into 
France,  upon  condition  that  the  Earl  first  drew  from 
him  such  a  letter  as  might  by  the  party  be  applied  as 
evidence  of  the  reality  of  the  plot."'- 

Percy  was  ^Lister-General  of  the  Ordnance  during  the 
period  over  which  these  letters  extend,  and  was  deprived 
of  that  office  b\'  the  King,  who  conferred  it  on  Lord 
Hopton  in  the  autumn  of  1644. 

*  Clarendon,  vol.  i.  p.  744. 

G 


4^ 

Clarendon  evidently  was  no  friend  of  Percy,  and  on  the 
occasion  of  his  dismissal  thus  speaks  of  him  :  "  Yet  even 
his  removal  added  to  the  ill-humour  of  the  army,  too 
much  disposed  to  discontent,  and  censuring  all  that  was 
done  ;  for  thoucrh  he  was  <;enerallv  unloved,  as  a  proud 
and  supercilious  person,  yet  he  had  always  three  or  lour 
persons  of  good  credit  and  reputation  who  were  esteemed 
by  him,  with  whom  he  lived  very  well,  which,  in  the 
general  scarcity  of  that  time,  drew  many  votaries  to 
him,  who  bore  very  ill  the  want  of  his  table,  and  so  were 
not   without    some    inclination    to    murmur  even   ot    his 

behalf."* 

Lord  Percy,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  letters  of  Arthur 
Trevor  to  Prince  Rupert,  was  no  favourite  with  the 
former.  Writincr  from  Oxford  on  22  P^eb.,  1644,  to  the 
Prince,  Trevor  says  :  "  My  Lord  I'ercy  is  still  in  the 
briars,  and  I  believe  will  not  get  out  without  scratches  ; 
but  if  they  prove  no  more,  they  will  be  physical  towards 
the  spring."t  This  refers  to  some  difficulties  arising  out 
of  his  lordship's  very  unsatisfactory  accounts.  Trevor's 
letters  are  full  of  complaints  at  the  difticultyhe  experienced 
in  obtaining  supplies  of  arms  and  anununition  :  money  he 
declares  he  has  no  hope  of.  He  contrasts  the  supplies 
lavished  on  Lord  Hopton  with  those  reluctandy  doled 
out  to  the  Prince,  and  evidendy  views  with  a  strong 
partisan  bias  every  pound  of  powder  and  every  stand  of 
arms  despatched  to  the  aid  of  the  cavaliers  in  the  West. 

Several  notices  of  Lord  Percy  appear  from  time  to 
time  in  Whitelocke's  Memorials,  the  letters  of  intelli- 
gence published  in  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  and  the  cor- 
respondence between  Lord  Clarendon  and  Sir  William 
Brown.     From   the   first  of  these   authorities   we   learn 

*  Clarendon,  vol.  iv.  p.  531. 

t  Rupert  and  the  Cavaliers,  vol.  iii.  p.  377- 


43 

that  in  letters  from  the  Hague,  in  October,  1648.  it  was 
stated  "that  the   Lord  Piercy  was  committed  for  giving 
the  lye  in  the   Prince's  presence."*     From  the   second, 
that  he  was  in  Feb.,  1654,  "  setded  in  France,  and  hath 
Chastian   Renard,  belonging  to  the  house  of  Orange."t 
While  from  the  third  we  have  an  interchange  of  letters 
which    may    possibly    bear    the    interpretation    that     in 
December,    1653,    Clarendon    was   on    bad    terms  with 
Lord  Percy.      In  the  letter  written  at  that  date  by  Sir 
William  l^.rown  to  the  then  Sir   Edward  Hyde  he  says  : 
*'  I   did   not  till   very  lately  know  that   the  Lord   Percy,  ^ 
now  Lord  Chamberlin,  was  come  to  the  King,  -uid  I  am 
likewise   told  he   is  much  in   your   Intimacy,  of  which,  it 
true,  I  am  very  glad,  for  hee  hath  beene  my  noble  friend 
of  a  date  litde  lesse  than  30  yeares  old.       I  pray  it  your 
Hon^   think    it   fitt    be    pleased    to    present   my   humble 
ser\-ice  cUid  congratulations  to  his  L  pp. 

1^0  this  Clarendon  replied  :  "  Though  my  L''  Chamber- 
lyne  and  I  lyve  civilly  togither,  and  I  can  mencon  you  to 
him.  vett  it  is  fitt  you  write  a  congratulatory  letter  to  hmi, 
which  if  you  think  fitt,  I  will  deliver."! 

In  apparendy— for  the  date  is  not  given,  and  can 
only  be  gathered  tVom  the  context— August,  1654,  Col. 
Bampfylde  thus  writes  of  "  the  condition  and  design- 
ments  of  the  titular  King  of  Scots,  and  of  those  abroade, 
whoe  are  interessed  in  his  affayres"  : 

-His  Councille   are  his  mother,   the   Duke  of  York, 

Prince  Rupert,  the  duke  of  Buckingham,  the  marquis  of 

Ormonde,  the  earle  of  Rochester,  the  lords  Percye,  Jermin, 

Inchequin,  Taff  lately  made,  and  Sir  Edward  Hide. 

"  The  foure  first,  together  with  Jermin,  are  of  a  faction 

*   Whitelorke.  p.  343-  '^  Thurloe,  v.)].  ii.  p.  85. 

+   Diary  and  (^irrespondence  of  John   Evelyn,   »S:c..    edition   1S5-. 
vol.  iv.  pp.  296-298. 


44 


45 


directly  opposite  to  Hide,  and  the  other  party  who  for 
the  present  intyrely  '^ovvrnc  in  his  councills  :  and  theyr 
designes  seem  to  be  as  different  as  theyr  incHnations. 
Ormonde,  Hide,  and  thevr  ])artv  ha\e.  contrary  to  the 
sence  of  the  reste,  ad\-ised  and  pr('\'a\-]ed  with  thevr 
king-  totally  abandon  both  th(!  party  and  [)rinciples  of  the 
presbiterians,  and  to  rel\-e  intyrely  upon  his  old  episco- 
pal! party,  which  they  peTswad^  him  comprehcmds  the 
nobillity,  gentry,  and  bulke  of  the  kingdome  of  I^ngland, 
whoe  would  not  rise  with  him  in  his  late  march  into 
England,  because  he  was  Ix'licvt'd  to  ljoc  upon  "round 
disagreeable  both  to  theyr  iiffcctions  interests,  and  to  the 
goode  of  the  nation,  and  inconsistent  with  the  ancient 
constitutions  both  of  Church  and  Siat(\"'* 


* 


Thurloe.  vol.  ii    p.  ^  io. 


^ 


[Ao.   ^,/.  I 

This  relation  was  dated  I2  at  night 

ill  is  ?^Ionday. 


S' 


Next    to   the    waitin-    uj)pon    you    myselie    I    am 
pleased  with  tlii.^  emploxment  being  commaunded  by  the 
King  to  gi\'e  vou  >i  relaiion  of  wh^it  h;ilh  [massed  at  Male- 
borough.      The  dela\'  of  the    Artilleryes  coming  up  and 
the   mistinesse   of  the   morning   iriade   it   neere    2   ot    the 
clocke  In-fjre  O.u-y  could  playe  u\>])(m  the-  towne.      It  was 
assaulted  on  the  Champion  side  and  a  regiment  ol  horse 
sent  to  tile   forrest    side  to  hinder  therc^   ilight   that  way 
exspecting  that   much   more    then   there   resistance.      At 
the  first  from  a  brest  worke  they  had  made  acrosse  the 
downe  where  the  passage  was  and  after  from  a  rowe  of 
thatcht  houses  they  did  gall  our  men  whoe  were  not  able 
to   returne   them   any  hurt  by  amies   soe  that  they  were 
necessitated  to  ha\'e  recourse  to  fire  which  gave  our  men 
entry,  whereuppon  they  of  the  towne  fled  but  were  taken 
in  ^>-reate  numbers  by  the  regiment  of  horse  on  the  other 
side,  among  which  there  was  the  principall  Scotch  officer 
one  Ramsey  and  Francklins  the  towne  Clarke  a   Prot"' 
man  and  a  principall  incendiary  of  all  those  parts,   the 
prisoners  that   were   taken   came  to   about    lOO  besides 
Di(>"f^s   and  his  Company  whoe  we   tooke   to   be  frends 
assurin<^    us    thev    would    not  shoote  and   in    that    kept 
there  words,  they  were  very  usefull  likewise  in  keeping 


46 

the   other  forces   of  the   towne,   out  of  my  L^  Seymers 
house   and   mount   that   might  have  troubled    us   much. 
The  fight  lasted  above  2  howres  there  were  20  or   30 
ours    hurt    none    of   much    note    nor    any    killed,    what 
slaughter    was    on     the     rebells     side    we    know     not, 
nor     directly    how     many    collors     taken.        After     the 
entry  of  the    towne   the    Lieut   Ge"^  cheefe  care  was  to 
stoppe  the  fire  for    the   which  he   caused   some   houses 
to  be  pulled  downe  and  drew  out  the  troopes  and  Dra- 
goneers    least   they  should   have   bin   lost    in   the  night 
by  there  disorder  and  Pillage,  which  was  done  and  they 
quartered  all  rownd  about  the  towne,  the  foote  only  left 
in  It,  and  that  condition  they  remaine  in   until  his   Ma^>- 
pleasure  be  further  knowne.      This  S^  is  the  substance 
of   that    relation    his    Ma^>'    receaved    from    thence    this 
morning  and  having  noething  else  considerable  at  this 
time  to  accquaint  you  with  I  will   begg  this  favor  from 
you  that  I  may  esteemed  by 

Your  Hicr""' 

Your  most  humble  Servant 


HEN   PERCY 


Nepheu  I  must  conjure 
you  as  ye  love  me  not  to 
hazard  yourselfe  nedlessly 
CR. 

My  Lo^  Dunsmore  kisseth 
your  hands 

the  6th  of  No.         [1642.] 


47 

[No.  3S.] 
S^ 

1   promised   myselfe    the    honor    to  have  waited 

uppon  you  before  you  went  away  which  I  was  prevented 
in  yet  must  not  give  that  ill  fortune  leave  to  injure  me 
soe  much  as  to  steale  you  into  an  ill  opinion  of  my  civility 
or  duty  but  preserve  both  by  yourgoodnesse  and  this  letter 
which  is  to  tell  vou   I  had  an  intention  to  have  waited, 
uppon  you  this  journey  but  my  L^'  Spencer  bringing  a 
packett  of  letters  from  the  Oueene  and  was  engaged  by 
her  to  waite  uppon  her  to  the  King.      There  letters  were 
dated   the  1    and  informe  as  of  noe   thing  considerable 
but  the   Oueenes   preparation  for  her  journey  to  which 
there  was  noe  thing  wanting  but  the  comming  about  ot 
some  shipps  that  were  daily  expected  soe  that  by  cnxum- 
stances  we  may  guesse  her  landed  by  this  time.        1  here 
is  one  come  from  my  L'  Newcastell  this  day  whoe  tells 
us  my  L^  Savlll  is  prisonc^r   at   Newarke  Casde  and  the 
Sheriffe  of  Lincolneshire  did  advertise  the  King  that  my 
L'^  Newport  was  a  prisoner  to.      Hastings  hath  receaved 
the  enemy  soe  unkindly  as  they  are  retired  but  we  heere 
S''  R.  Hoppton  is  pursued  hotdy  and  being  weaker  then 
the  enemy  retires,  so  soone  as   Prince   Maurice  marched 
away,  the  enemyes  forces  came  thither,    1   can  hope  lor 

noe  excuse  for  this  but  my  being 

S^ 
Your  most  humble  Servant 

HEN   PERCY 

Probably  21  Viih  1643] 

2  I  Oxford 


No.  39.] 


J 


S^ 


According  to   your  commaunds  I   accquainted  his 
Maf^  with  the  contents  of  your  letter  which  he  hath  con- 


48 

suited   with   my   L^  Gciilt'  w  h<j*j    i.^    u\    opi^iniMn    tli.n    it 
will    be    very  inconvenient  f(;r    y<nir    Ili-tu    moeve    to 
Buckingham   beini;  Uj  Lirvr.  (H^tcini  from   Oxlnnl   which 
may  cause  some  inconvcnicncr'S  to  us  Iictc,  hc^itl* -^  that, 
it  ap[)eeres  not  to  be   ^<n:   pmppcr  for  that   cml   you   pro- 
pose it  lor.  there  bcin--  nn  (juc^tion  but  tfu-  (  )Li(fn('  nuist 
tor    many   reason^  come     by  Worcester     both   to  axoide 
Essex  and  those  forces  dt   Co\-eniree.   Xortiiampton.  and 
Warwick  as  alsoe  that    ^h(■  may  Iinde   a    rea->«.naim'  lorce 
there  and  a   -'ood    re.^tin-    [•lac-e  and    it'   wc   doe   ]\-e  at 
I>ister    C)r   thereabouts   tiicy  cuuK.t    mareh    to   W'orcotcr 
but  you  may  be  betdre  them  I  Nhall  enlar-e  ihdv  reasons 
when    I    ha\-e   the    honor    to   ^vaite'    uj^oon    xou    which    I 
intend  shah   be   tomorrowe   \\    you   come   ncu    to    u.^.  tlie 
same   reason   keepes   the    Kin-"  kom    writin-  makes   mv 
letter  much   shorter    that   is   my  (h'^patch  to  the  Oueend 
the    King  sent   me   this   note  jdist   now  :    I    ha\-e  obeyed 
you  in  all  things  but   money,  and   the   reason   of  mv  dis- 
obedience in   that  is  because   it   is   not  in   mv  power  and 
other  cause  then   that  I  will  n«'ver   have  for  not  obeying-- 
you  being  resolved  eternally  to  l)e 

Your  High' 
29th  4  of  Most  huml)le  and  f  udhfull  Ser\-ant 

the  clocke  ip    PERCY. 


[No.  40. 


Sir 


There  is  another  expresse  come  from  the  Oueene 
this  day  by  whom  we  are  assured  she  will  begin  her 
journey  this  day  or  tomorrowe  she  comes  certainely  to 
Ashby  but  from  thence  we  know  not  as  vet  which  wav 
she  will  take  but  some  designe  they  have  by  the  way  the 
lesse  the  better,  3000  foote  and  30  trooi)es  of  horse  and 


49 

dragons  are  ail  ^he  marches  with  except  such  force  as 
she  mav  gett  1)\'  the  wav,  this  I  tliou'dit  htt  to  let  vou 
know  and  for  want  of  this  I  shall  suidv  it  with  naakim: 
repetions  to  \-ou  how  much  satisfaction  1  have  in  telling 
you  there  is  no  creature  in  the  world  more  yours  than 

Your  Ilig*^'"  most  humble 

and  faith  full  Ser\-ant 

IE  PERCY 

Oxford  the  30  [April  1643" 
6  of  the  clocke 

I  hope  we  shall  not  have  reason  to  complaine  of  our 
quarters. 


Xo.  41 ,] 


I  cotdd  not  possible  put  our  traine  in  such  a 
readinesse  as  to  be  able  to  march  before  i  2  of  the  clocke 
and  then  the  Kingreceaved  a  letter  from  mv  E'^  Generall 
by  which  he  desired  the  Cannon  should  not  march  if 
they  were  not  ad\-anced  already  which  hath  staled  me 
for  the  present  so  that  now^  I  doe  'attend  what  other 
orders  I  shall  have,  that  bein'r  the  cause  I  doe  not  waite 
uppon  you  as  my  inclinations  doe  invite  me  to  having 
noe  greater  satisfaction  then  the  giving  you  proofes  that 
I  am 

Your  Hig"*"'  most  humble  Servant 

HEN   PERCY 

Oxford  8  June  [1643] 

The  King  will  be  extreamely  glad  to  heere  what  you 
intend  &  as  soone  as  I  know'e  the  Cannon  is  not  likely 
to  marche  I  will  presently  waite  uppon  you 

H 


rx 


0 


( ) . 


42. 


[c  3  July  104 


o 


\Vc  licive  reccavcd  news  just  now  1)y  a  letter  that 
comes  from  the  North  that  Bradford  Is  taken  with  all 
the  men.  armes  and  amniLinition  that  were  in  It  only 
Fairefax  and  his  sonne  escaped  by  nli^dit  to  Leeds,  but 
this  does  not  come  so  certainely  as  to  be  built  uppon — 
Waller  and  your  Brother  with  both  armyes  are  mett,  we 
have  newes  from  them  but  it  is  soe  uncertalne  of  both 
sides  as  I  know  not  what  to  beleeve  until  wee  heere  of 
something  more  perfect  :  Your  letter  Is  come  now  to  the 
King-  the  messenger  will  be  dispatched  agalne  this  night. 
I  have  not  spoken  with  the  King  therefore  I  cannott  say 
any  thing  to  you  of  it,  but  I  shall  never  be  weary  of 
saying  to  you  that  I  will  eternal  I)'  be 

Your  High"'  most  humble  humble  Servant 

H.   PERCY 

I  doe  humbly  begg  of  you  that  you  will  beleeve  there  Is 
a  necessity  for  my  being  heere,  other  wise  I  could  not 
endure  this. 


Sir 


Xo.  43. j 


The  last  night  I  did  fully  resolve  to  have  waited 
uppon  you  this  day  having  as  much  impatience  to  per- 
forme  that  duty  as  is  possible  for  any  creature  to  have. — 
But  I  am  diverted  from  this  by  a  commaund  the  King 
hath  given  me  this  day  of  being  ready  to  march  with  all 
his  tralne  of  Artillery  upon  a  short  warning  which  Is 
not  to  be  done  without  my  being  present  heere  and  the 
supplye  of  moneyes  which  I  am  promised  every  howre 
but  cannott  gett.  I  hope  S""  this  excuse  being  soe  just 
in  Itself  and  soe  displeasing  to  me  1   hope  you  will   not 


onlv  free  me  from  all  kind  of  condemnation  but  ha\'e 
some  little  pitty  for  what  I  suffer  in  being  from  \-ou.  I 
hope  you  are  satisfied  with  those  things  I  sent  you. 
Since  I  was  conjured  by  you  to  silence  I  could  not  say 
one  word  to  i  75  of  a  designe  thei'efore  I  doe  not  know 
wiiat  motions  it  hath  or  whether  i:  doe  continuw  or  noe. 
I  think  it  is  excellently  laid  and  I  hope  will  ha\'e  a 
happy  successe,  if  237  doe  send  a  regiment  and  1000 
foote  D  27,  32,  26,  2)^,  52.  39.  23,  50,  either  send 
163  or  one  that  may  be  as  fitt  to  do  you  service  to 
244  let  me  know  by  your  next  whether  163  may  say 
anything  to  175  of  it  because  there  may  be  some- 
things that  may  concerne  this  bulsnesse  mav  require  the 
motions  and  assistance  of  a  servant,  for  you  know  very 
well  when  he  doth  thini::s  alone  thev  are  commonlv 
crooked  or  untoward  therefore  let  me  know  vour  sence 
In  this  for  without  it  I  shall  not  doe  anythini'-.  Mv  Ij' 
Wlllmotts'  reo-iment  went  to  towne  accordini^f  to  the  K' 
Instruction  but  found  noe  body  there,  for  those  troopes 
that  we  thouo^ht  to  have  found  there  were  c^one  awav  at 
three  of  the  clocke  In  the  afternoon  soe  thev  returned 
without  doinc^  anything;-  Mr.  Hardincr  Is  come  out  of  the 
West  and  Co'  KIrke  can  tell  vou  what  newes  he  lirouLrht 
with  him  My  Lieut"'^  Coro"ll  is  in  i^reate  haste  to  be  L'one 
and  for  feare  that  resoultion  may  change  I  will  only  adde 
to  this  that  I  am  Your  Hiirh"" 

Most  humble  humble  Servant 

H.  PERCY. 

Oxford  6  July  [1643] 


[Xo.  44.] 
Sir 

I  receaved  both  vour  letters  but  am  resolved  to 

thank  you  for  neither  chusing  rather  to  acknowlege  them 


52 

to  be  above  anvthincr  that  I  can  sav  then  to  make  a  triall 

and  say  too  little.  Your  sending-  for  a  Cyfcr  is  a  just 
reproach  to  my  providence,  for  I  should  have  thought  of 
it  my  selfe.  but  I  conceave  it  a  suftkient  punishment  for 
this  fault  that  for  want  of  it  I  have  mist  the  contentment 
I  should  have  had  of  knowing  your  thoughts  these  2 
dayes  past,  which  I  valew  more  then  any  thing  can  be 
given  me  ;  and  I  only  begg  of  you  that  I  may  receave 
them  constandv  until  I  change  that  oi)inion.  I  never 
sawe  anvthincr  of  writing  more  sutable  to  you  then  then 
the  2  lines  where  you  say  you  douljt  not  of  ruining  Essex 
his  army,  if  noe  greate  misfortune  happen  [which  I  know 
you  too  well  to  feare].  It  is  very  apparent  that  honor 
and  a  court  acfrees  verv  well  together  for  there  was  never 
any  body  made  [from  being  the  least  courtier]  soe  greate 
a  one  as  214  by  being  a  Lord,  I  hop  eit  will  have  in- 
fluence soe  farre  as  to  make  him  |)av  that  to  vou  which 
he  hath  not  exceeded  in  that  is  his  obedyence  Conwallis 
went  awav  to  the  Oueene  the  King  did  not  write  by  him 
[I  did]  which  was  a  litde  recommendation  of  his  owne 
person  which  you  know  I  am  well  acquainted  withall — 
We  have  heard  noething  since  I  writt  last  of  the  Oueene, 
from  the  West,  now  the  horse  that  were  sent  for  from 
Exeter  are  come  they  doe  intend  to  march  tow^ards 
Waller.  Rather  than  goe  to  Church  yesterday  in  the 
afternoone  I  chose  to  goe  to  see  the  Cap.  whoe  I  found 
very  solitary  in  his  little  house.  I  stayed  there  till  6  of 
the  clocke  and  going  away  I  receaved  this  injunction 
from  him  to  tell  vou  that  he  is  verv  much  vour  servant 
and  extreamelv  desires  to  have  the  honor  to  see  vou 
without  which  he  will  never  goe  away,  and  this  I  did 
promise  to  say  in  my  first  letter.  I  am  very  glad  to 
heere  vou  beein  to  be  reconciled  to  Sunday  but  I  desire 
)T)u  never  to  be  to  the  day  of  the  Lord.     For  my  Lieut' 


Cor'  I  shall  shewe  myselfe  very  charitable  to  him  with 
your  assistance,  not  having  strong  dispositions  to  good- 
nesse  myselfe  but  with  some  helpe  you  shall  see  for  this 
matter  I  shall  behave  myselfe  well,  but  I  will  ask  none 
of  any  creature  to  give  you  all  the  proofes  In  the  world 
that  I  am  pleased  with  noe  thing  more  then  the  beeing 
and  telling  vour  Hignesse  I  am 

Your  most  humble  Servant 

H.  PERCY. 
Oxford 

I  hope  you  will  lett  me  have  a  quarter  for  I 
intend  to  waite  uppon  you  within  a  day  or  2  but  let  not 
that  keepe  you  from  writing  if  you  have  anything  to 
commaund  me. 


[No.  45-] 


INIy  L^  of  Richmond  did  acquaint  me  with  the 
letter  you  writt  to  him  last  In  which  I  finde  the  cheefe 
businesse  was  want  of  money,  I  did  not  only  apply  my- 
selfe to  make  the  Kinge  forward  In  this  supply,  but  to 
advance  It  I  lent  Ashburnham  /300  to  make  up  that 
proportion  you  desired.  I  hope  there  Is  noe  danger  you 
will  bellve  this  a  Courtship  to  him  but  an  extreame 
desire  in  me  you  should  want  noething  that  I  may  help 
you  unto  You  know  how  greate  want  we  have  of 
Powder  and  what  mischeefe  that  may  bring  uppon  us 
if  not  timely  prevented,  the  which  I  see  few  either 
o-oes  about  or  can  find  out,  the  Parliament  have  there 
o-reatest  works  of  Guilford  there  mills,  are  2  miles  from 
thence  not  guarded  at  all,  or  soe  slenderly  as  they  may 
be  easily  surprised  for  which  purpose  I  doe  goe  with  my 


54 


.•^.■^ 


owne  regiment  and  150  Dragoons  if  this  succeed  it  will 
be  a  very  good  service  to  his  Ma^>'  and  consequendy 
acceptable  to  you,  there  is  noe  force  neerer  that  place 
then  London.  We  expect  daily  to  heere  you  are  in 
Bristowe— Waller  is  gone  as  fast  as  he  can  to  London 
to  complaine  of  my  L'  of  Lssex  for  hetravin^'-  of  him 
which  he  will  have  soe  much  reason  for  as  the  Houses 
certainly  will  resent  it  highly  this  will  cause  much  dis- 
traction in  there  affaires  and  I  hope  we  shall  take  the 
advantage  of  it,  and  you  returne  to  this  place  as  soone  as 
you  can  I  have  noe  thing  more  to  say  to  \ou  but  that  I 
am  and  ever  will  be 

Your  Hio-h^'  most  humble  Servant 


IL   PERCY. 


22nd  Oxford 

[July  1643] 


Xo.  46.1 


I  am  now  going  away  yet  heering  that  there  is 
one  going  to  you  I  cannott  let  him  passe  without  saying 
some  wot.  The  Queene's  health  doth  begin  to  mend 
which  is  a  greate  blessing  to  us  all,  the  King  hath 
desired  her  to  imploy  herselfe  to  make  you  Wilmott  and 
Culpeper  frends  and  the  like  to  all  the  rest  of  us.  she 
thinks  it  fitt  to  be  done  for  the  present  as  the  K'  affaires 
stand  and  soe  do  I  to  ;  what  you  think  I  hope  I  shall 
know  when  I  waite  uppon  you  and  then  I  shall  enter- 
taine  your  Highnesse  at  large  of  this  matter  and  adde 
only  this  now  that  I  am  satisfied  extreamely  with  what 


the  Oueene  doth  in  mv  perticuler  and  no  lesse  in  savlm^ 
to  you  I  am  infinitely  your  High^' 

Most  humble  humble  Servant 

H.   PERCY. 

I  beseech  you  let  noe 
body  see  my  letters 

23  July  [1643] 


'SM 


]Xo.  47.] 


Though  you  seemed  not  to  be  pleased  that  I 
should  hope  for  the  taking  of  Bristowe  before  it  was 
soe,  which  fault  I  confesse  I  doe  not  understande,  Yet 
I  hope  you  will  give  me  leave  to  congratu  with  you  now 
amongst  the  rest  of  those  that  wish  you  all  kind  of 
happinesse  the  taking  of  that  place.  My  L'^  of  Duns- 
more  will  informe  you  perticulerly  of  all  the  passages 
heere  concerning  the  disputes  that  are  amongst  you 
where  you  are.  I  arrived  heere  but  yesterday  and  since 
that  have  not  bin  negligent  In  pressing  those  things 
I  did  beleeve  you  desired,  and  )-our  old  good  frends  have 
bin  as  dllllgent  pournous  faire  des  riches  the  pertlculers 
I  shall  tell  you  heere  after.  Your  best  frends  doe  wish 
that  when  the  power  Is  put  absolutely  Into  your  hands 
you  will  comply  soe  farre  with  the  Kings  affaires  as  to 
doe  that  which  may  content  many,  and  displease  fewest  ; 
your  successe  In  armes  I  hope  will  not  make  you 
forgett  your  civility  to  Ladyes  this  I  say  to  you  from 
a  discourse  the  Oueene  made  to  me  this  nvAu  wherein 
she  told  me  she  had  not  receaved  one  letter  from  you 
since  you  went  thouorh  vou  had  writt  many  which  is  a 
fault  you  must  repaire.     I  shall  stay  heere  now  therefore 


commauncl  me  as  you  use  to  doc  whicli  will  he  a  o-rate 
satisfaction  to  me  that  am 

Your  High"  most  humble  Servant 

H.   PERCY 

Let  me  know  if  you  write  to   the   Oueene  and   receave 
instructions  what  to  say 

Oxford  the  29th 

[July  1643] 


[No.  48.] 


Oxford  30  [July  1643] 


I  writt  to  you  )'esterday  I  can  say  little  more  of 
your  affaires  then  wdiat  I  did  because  we  doe  expect 
both  my  Lo"^  of  Harford's  comming-  to  this  place  and  my 
L^  Dunsmores  returne  before  we  shall  either  discourse 
or  act  anything  that  you  know  not  alread)-,  for  that  I 
wTitt  of  the  Oueene  I  hope  you  will  give  her  noe  more 
the  advantage  to  lay  that  fault  to  your  charge  ;  my 
cheefe  buisnesse  to  you  now  is  to  obey  the  K'^  com- 
maunds  whoe  spoke  to  me  to  desire  you  to  send  me  an 
exact  account  of  cannon  and  all  sort  of  amies  and 
ammunition  that  is  there  that  accordingly  the  provisions 
necessary  for  his  Ma^>-  service  may  be  made.  S*"  the 
carts  and  horses  I  sent  from  hence  are  ver)-  much  wanted 
heere  there  being  none  almost  left  for  the  brin<nno-  in 
those  dayly  provisions  that  are  necessary  for  the  sup- 
plying oi  this  place,  and  you  were  pleased  to  promise 
they  should  be  returned  in  tow  daves  ;  I  have  noe  thincT 
more  to  say  to  you  but  that  I  am  and  will  ever  be 

Your  Hig'  most  humble  Servant 

H.  PERCY 


^^)u  will  gucssc  at  the  reason  of  this  licarers 
commini'-  let  me  know  what  vou  desire  vour  Servant  to 
doe. 

I  had  an  exprcsse  commaund  to  present  the 
Duchesse  of  Richmonds  ser\'ice  to  }'()u 

The  King  is  likely  to  come  to  you  shortly  It  ir 
said  heere  you  are  not  carefull  of  your  foote  but  have 
lost  many  since  the  taking  of  the  towne. 


[No.  49. 

May  it  please  your  Ma^^' 

INIy  L'^  Gcnerall  did  speake  this  morning  with  one 
of  the  Ino-eneers  whoe  told  him  what  I  writt  to  yr  Ma'^' 
I  was  not  there  at  the  same  time  m)\selfe  but  he  desired 
me  to  ac(]uaint  your  Ma''  with  those  perticulers  that  soc 
vou  nuLiht  have  a  crood  measure  of  the  condition  of  \-()ur 
affaires  heere,  yet  u|)pon  a  further  enquir)',  I  find  the 
InLfineere  deceaved  himselfe  and  caused  that  of  my  Lo"^ 
Generalls,  l)ut  if  there  be  any  mistake  in  this  now  they 
are  all  to  be  blamed  having  concurred  in  what  I  shall 
say  to  you  M'^^" 

Idiey  find  the  moate  to  be  12  foote  deepe  and 
neere  30  broade,  and  if  they  goe  on  this  way  of  casting 
earth  before  them  it  will  be  a  weeke  before  they  [)asse 
their  ofallerv,  but  if  thc^v  takc!  awav  there  blinds  and  brino- 
men  to  cast  faii'otts  only  under  the  fa\'or  of  our  Mus- 
queteers  that  must  [)lay  uj)pon  them  continually  whilst 
we  are  working  it  will  be  passed  in  2  nights  with  the 
losse  of  men  and  the  expense  of  much  powder,  they  are 
resolved  to  continue  the  first  wa\'  for  this  ni^ht  and  cast 
as  manv  fa^'otts  as  they  can  mv  Lo''  GencTall  exix^ctinof  to 
receave  further  order  from  Y'  Ma'^'  when  he  shall  waite 


58 


59 


uppon  you.     S'  for  what  concerns  mc  it  will  be  very  fitt 
that   I   o-ive  you  a  timely  account  [seeing-   this  buisnesse 
hath  and    may   drawe    into   a   L-reatcr    len-th   than   was 
ima,i^nned]  of  the    proportione   of  powder  that  hath   bin 
spent  and  what  is  remaining;,  that  soe  your  Ma^^  may  not 
be  surprised  with  our  want  of  ammunition  but  that  there 
may  be  order  taken  for  supplies  for  every  day  this  ex- 
pense is  likely  to  increase  as  we  approach  neerer,   there 
hath   bin   spcmt   as   I   shall    be  abk^  to  make  appeere  in 
perticulers  120  barrells  at  least  and   there  are  remainin<^^ 
70  the  uncertainety  of  what   I   heard   of   your  comming 
made  me   venter  to   send   away  this    bearer,   the   other 
Ingeneere  was  not  very  willini^r  to  come  and  I  doe  beleive 
this  the  fitter  for  your  service  I  have   noe  thin"-  to  adde 
to  this  but  that  I  am 

Your  Ma^-' 

i\Iost  obedient  subject  and  Ser\-ant 

H.  PERCY 

Camp 

17th  AugMj643] 


[No.  50.] 

There  is  already  arrived  at  Bristow  100  barrells 
of  Powder  and  20omusketts  which  I  beleeve  will  be  fitt  to 
be  sent  away  when  your  regiment  marches,  the  rest  shall 
come  directly  to  Oxford  the  neerest  way  and  from  thence 
I  will  send  them  presently  to  Worcester  and  from  thence 
to  your  Hi-"^^  If  there  be  anything  else  heere  or  within 
my  commaund  you  desire  I  shall  most  willinL-lv  obev 
your  commaunds  as  soone  as   I   receave  them     In  the 


meane   time   I    will    only  trouble    your    Hig'"'   with   the 
assurance  that  I  am 

Your  most  humble  Servant 

PERCY 

Oxford  the  17th 

Sir 

I   beseech  you  that  it  will  please  you  to  returne 
those  carts  and  horses  I  sent  uppon  your  commaund. 


[No.  51.] 


S' 


I  receaved  your  letter  and  in  obedience  to  your 
commaunds  I  have  sent  away  those  things  your  Hignesse 
ai»-reed  on  with  me  such  onlv  excepted  as  are  not  in  our 
Stores  or  in  the  hands  of  the  Comissloners  whose  will 
we  must  waite  uppon  for  the  Match  Our  Pioneers  are 
very  few  and  we  have  sent  away  soe  many  gunners 
and  mattrosses  to  Redding  your  Hignesse  and  my  E"^ 
Hopton  as  we  liave  not  men  sufiicient  to  employ  for 
the  ordinarv  dutves  of  the  magazine,  and  materialls  we 
have  not  one.  My  E^- Hopton  and  S'J.  Ashley  are  to 
joyne  this  day  at  Kingscleere  and  will  give  on  upi)on 
the  enemv  this  dav  or  to-morrow  mornin'^  they  will  be 
joyned  3000  foote  and  as  many  horse.  If  there  be  any- 
thing else  I  can  serve  your  Hignesse  in  I  shall  doe  It  as 

Your  Hiir''  most  humble  servant 

PERCY 

Oxford  the  i  s' 

Novem'  (1643) 

This  letter  come  to  my  hands  being  sent  by  my 
E'^  Salton  whoe  was  taken  at  Newbery 


^ 


m 


Xn.    52 


I    have   rectja\-cd  vours  of  the    21st  of  Felr  by 
which   I   doe  perceave  \-oiir   Hi^ncssc   is  displeased  with 
a  warrant    sent  Ironi    the-    Kini^-   to    his  .^torc    keeper  at 
Bristowe  beleevin^^-  it  was   jjrocurcd   1)\'  me   in  jircjudice 
of  the    coniaund  of  \'oiir  Ili-nrsse,  I  doc  iirotost  to  nou 
there  is  noe  such  matter  neither  did   I   belee\e  S^  that  I 
had  lost  soe   much  of  \-()ur  hwor  as  that  an\-  bod\-  could 
make   you   have    a   suspition   of  me  for  that,   when   \-our 
Hi^^-nesse   hath   scene  me  uppon  se\-erall  occasions  ^"ive 
you  all  demonstrations  that  mi-lu  make  you  l)e  confident 
noe  creature  wished   your  commaunds  more    entire  and 
absolute   than    I.      S'  I    did  de,-.ire  the   Kin-'   u[)i)on   the 
writin_i4-   of  your  letter   bt:fore   my    I.-   Germoin   that    he 
would    referre    the    conside-ration    of    tlii-.    to    his    pri\-y 
councell.      I  not  desirino;-  to  meddle  at  all  with  it  and  soe 
I   left   it.      S'  P^or  your   cununition   and   amies    I    was  to 
send  your  Hii^-nesse    I    hope    I  shall  L^ive    you    such   an 
account  as  you  will  cleerlev  see  there  was  noe  ne<dect  in 
me  neither  can  I    yet    see  where    the   imstake   was  or  by 
whom,    for   Mr.    Russell  can   tell   your    Hi-j-nesse  how    I 
called  uppon  him  before  Ar  Trevor   for  settlinij;-  that  soe 
as  it  might   goe   along  with    him  and   sent  my  warrants 
away  for  that  intent  for   100  barrells  of  Powder  and  all 
the  musquetts  were  then  there  which  were  400  and  since 
another  warrant  for  100  more  of  our  new   ones  which  I 
beleeve  much  fitter  than  the  others  the  first  parcel  I  did 
beleeve   had   bin   with   your    Hignesse  till    I   heard    the 
contrary  lately  and  uppon  my  faith  cannot  accuse  myselfe 
of  any  omission    therein.      If  I  did   I   would  ingeniously 
confess    it     to    your    Hignesse     and    desire    both    your 
pardon  and    his  Ma'^'  for    one    cannot    offended  in  this 
without  the  other.     For  the  residue  of  that  proportion 


01 

the  King  promist  you  there  will  be  some  tyme  required 
for     the""  performance     for    there    are     Comissions     for 
presses  gone   out  to   the    Sheriffs  for  6000   men  and   1 
doe  assume  you  S^  we  hax'e  not  as  yet  above  1000  armes 
for   this,   and   I   have  an  express    comaund  not  to   issue 
out    armes    till    most    of    these    recreuts    are    i)royided. 
Therefore    you    may   S''   l)y   this   see   what   a   condition 
the    Kings   necessityes    put    mee    into   that    I    must    of 
necessity  disobey  heere  or  else  incurre  your  displeasure 
which    I   will  ax-oide  with  as  much   care   as  any  servant 
you  have,  what  soe  ever  my  L^^  Idopton  desires  he  must 
have  en  despit  de  moy.      S'  for  the  pouder  was  sent  to 
Dudley    Castle  it  was    sent    without   bullett   the    Comis- 
sioners  making  answer  there  was  none,  my  L^'  Germm 
knowes  this  was  the  truth  and    noe  kind  of  fault   in   me 
S^  as  I  have  taken  the  liberty  now  to  justify  myselfo  not 
to  have  bin  guilty  of  any  neglect  to  you  or  your  service 
soe  I  beseech  you  to  gi^'e  me  leave  alsoe  to  tell  you^  S'" 
I  cannot  beleeve  them  your  reall  servants  that  doe  give 
you  jealousies  of  those  that  doe  not  deserve  them  there- 
fore S^  with  all  the  confidence  that  an  honest  man  can  have 
I   doe  desire  you  will   be  pleased  to   think  me  entire  in 
this  justification  and  ready  likewise  in  all  things  you  will 
comaund  me  to  shew  your  Hig"-  that  I  am  extreamely 

Your  Hig'^"^ 


Most  humble  Servant 


I 


PERCY 


Oxford  the  21  March  [1643-4] 

I  beseech  you  S^  doe  me  the  favour  to  let  me  heere  from 
you  if  there  remaine  any  kind  of  insatisfaction  towards 
me. 


r,2 


^'o-  53-] 


I    hope   your   Mi-hncsse    hath    rcccavcd   one   of 
mine  before  this  time  where   1   have   represeiu.-d  tr,  vou 
cleerlely  that  there  hath  l,in  noe  fault  in  my  orders  towards 
your  service.      I   sent  20  barrells  of  I'ouder  to    Dudley 
Castle  with  match  but  noe  bullets  for  there  was   none, 
and   I   heere  the  amunition    and  armes   from    Bristowe 
is  safely  arrived   at  Worcester  and  there  is  order  taken 
heere  to   send  one  that  may  take   care  for  the  si)eedy 
advancing  it    toward    to    Shresbury.      This   is   what    I 
can  say  for  the  present  and  for  the  future  what  soe  ever 
commaunds  you  lay  uppon  me   I   am  confident   I   shall 
give  a  most   perfect  account  of  my  obedience  to  them. 
I  cannot    clo.se  up  this  letter  without  telling  vour  Hig- 
nesse  I  am  one  of  those  that  doe  congratulate'  with  yo\i 
your  most  happy  victory  both  as  it  increa.seth  vour  owne 
glory  and  as  it  hath  raised  his  Maj'-'  affaires  to  a  greater 
height  of  prosperity  than  an>-  Ijody  could  ha\'e  imagined 
at  this  time  this  is  a  subject  would  give  me  a  greate  lati- 
tude to  write  off  but  my  Lo'^  Jermin  will  not  Therefore  I 
conclude  with   this   request  that  \tu,  will   be  pleased    to 
thinke  me  as  I  ha\-e  often  professed  to  be 

Your  Hig"''  most  humble  Servant, 


Oxford  the  28th  [March  1644J 


PERCY. 


[No.  54.] 

S'  L  0-+  J 

I  have  read  your  lettter  and  that  of  S'  Lewis 
Dives  I  hope  the  vexation  that  you  have  had  will  .shew 
his  Mat>-  so  perfectly  the  mischiefes  that  are  likely  to  fall 
out  uppon  such  orders  as  caused  this  that  the  like  may 


6 


J 


be  avoided  for  the  time  to  come  and  your  Hig""^  never 
put  to  this  againe.  we  are  to  meete  this  afternoone  and 
soe  we  sh;d]  doe  e\-ery  day  to  consider  of  all  things  that 
mav  be  for  vour  honor  and  his  :\Iat'>"  se.rvice  in  which 
you  shall  never  fiiulc  any  creature  more  neerely  con- 
cerned then 

Your  most  humhle  Ser\-ant 

PERCY. 
Oxford  28  ["Mar  :  1644] 


[No. 


:)0' 


Fraq-ment  of  a  letter  from  Lord  Percy. 

175  hath  receaved  a  letter  from  244  that  he  lies  at  Coslll 
this  night  but  does  not  say  ex[)ressly  what  way  he  will 
take  but  leaves  it  to  conjecture,  which  is  an  omission, 
you  will  heere  the  relation  of  it  from  175.  163  hath 
asked  leave  of  175  to  come  to  237,  but  he  did  absolutily 
refuse  it  upon  this  ground  that  if  he  should  have 
occasion  to  march  the  Artillery  would  be  in  greate 
disorder.  132  intended  to  have  come  along  with  me  but 
he  is  prevented.  163  did  moove  175  that  he  would 
commaund  214  expressly  to  come  away  for  I  knew 
very  well  by  some  heere  the  contrary  was  intended  by 
him,  and  I  doe  quarrell  with  you  for  not  writing  any- 
\h\\vy  of  it  to  me;  That  224  hath  sent  for  Newport  by 
whome  they  doe  beleeve  to  kindle  a  new  that  mutinous 
fire  which  was  a  dying  but  I  doe  beleeve  it  will  not 
be  to  much  purpose  yet  you  may  make  use  of  it  if  you 
please  ;  Wee  have  no  certaine  newes  from  the  \V('St 
which  is  a  most  strange  thing:  i\Iy  Lo"'  of  Essex  wee 
heere  is  marching  backe  towards  Alsbury  which   I   think 


54 

the  rv  t  r  >i  w  u  to  his  destruction  :  all  the  newes  out  of 
North  is  coiiunned  and  Leedes  taken  soe  that  we 
conceave  all  the  North  absolutely  ours.  I  doe  humbly 
desire  you  that  you  will  commaund  your  Secretary  to 
give  those  officers  of  mine  Commissions  that  have  none 
that  soe  they  may  not  be  taken  out  of  my  regiment  nor 
your  Brigade  by  others  that  perhaps  may  pretend  to 
them  by  guift  from  my  L"^  Newcasde  ;  for  myself  let 
n^'  never  have  other  then  that  which  you  give  me  to 
.  ;  be  ever 


■?  >  ^ . 
i  1 1 


^nes 


Your  Hig' 

Most  humble  humble  Servant 

H.  PERCY 


Oxford  8'^  July 
[1643] 


.'i^ 


65 


ANALYSi:.    OF    LETTERS    &    DOCUMENTS 
(apparenriy  prepared  by  Col.  Benett.) 


[No.  56.J 
The  Breviates  of  the  Princes  letters 


Towcester 


Novemb  22,  1643 


Octob  30 


Sr  A.  Aston  saw  the  workes  on  the  hill  begun 

Denbigh  goes  thorow  Northampton  ;  Essex 
sends  men  in  to  Ailesbury  &  Northampton 
desires  ayd  ag^  him  ;  for  fear  of  Towcester 
but  some  of  P.  R.  troopes  sent  away  ere  now 
&  Aston  expects  to  be  called  out  S""  John 
Byron's  horse  were  quartered  at  Brackley  & 
Willmott  who  went  sick  to  Oxford  Novemb  8 

1643 

About  October  30  Thelwell  comes  from 
Reding  towards  Towcester  w'^  600  ffoote, 
900  more  being  sent  back.  Willmot  lay 
then  at  Buckingham.  More  forces  sent  into 
Ailesbury  about  mid  November  w'^  on 
Saturday  18  mustered  1400  by  poll  :  & 
Essex  march t  that  waye. 

Worcestershire  Commissioners  doe  little  for 
King  pretending  to  be  hindered  by  S""  W. 
Russell's  differences.  Gilb  Gerard  Governor 
there.  The  Countryes  contribution,  3000/ 
a  month,  Jan.  22,  1643 

Tiiiier&Broughton    landed  with  1800  ffoote  &  S^  W.  Vaugham 
,  I  February  1643    ^,,  ^^   ^^^^^  ,    ^h^^ie    L    Byron    sent   to 

Shrewsbury     They  are  at  Ruthen  Febr  2 1 


Worcester     Estate 
in  April  1643 


K 


Towcester 
Nov.  7  1643 


March  14  1642 
Pyms  letter 


1643  Jan.  H 
Ailesbury 


Ncvnr; 

1044 


Ailcbburv 
March  lO. 


1042 


Camp  remove*] 


66 

L"^  BIron  from  Brackley  sends  in  Showells 
Spades  &c 

L"^  Biron  intended  to  be  made  Generall  of 
Lancashire  :  desires  first  to  be  made  P*" 
Charles  Governor. 

P.  R  having  gone  to  Bristoll,  Essex  sends 
forces  to  Tame  :  but  recalls  them  upon  the 
Princes  returne  :  They  consulted  at  V.'est- 
minster  about  a  cessation  :  but  agreed  not, 
Shortly  came  the  Treaters  to  Oxford 


^ 


Nicholas  Byron  &  S'  R.  Willis  taken. 


Some  messages  betwixt  the  Governor  & 
Lord    B'ron    then    at    Brackly   Xf  vember  9, 

I  ;:  'I  upon  the  fayling  01  Xewpuii 
I'liiri  !i  he  sends  iiiron's  wn^i^^n  messenp"er 
to  Essex  then  ai  ^   .\'bans 


'.r^?- 


^'1 

\<.^rkQ  seri'lin  • 


I  lix  !ior   oi     this. 


Btii 


L  .  .  ' 


n. 


xxiKj.mt 


u- 


L 1  i  (.: 


R('l)filN  ;}ii;ti  it  :n  M,i\-c  1644 

S'  John  Ciiip('p--rs  letter  was  a:^'  correspond- 
ence    wiih    lownc    and    a^^^    the    hojics  :    but 


I 


rnicc 


1 


)c!ni'"     ni:ircht,     the      des!L:'ne      was 


C5' 


knowne  at  Ox  turd 


Forth  writes  to  the  Kine;  that  Essex  meanes 
to  quarter  in  Buckinghamshire  &  ad\'ises  to 
rayse  Abingdon  leaguer  8c  quarter  the 
soldiers  betwixt  Whately  &  Oxford  in  Barnes 
&  villao^es. 

Shropshire  Estate      Lord    Capcll    complayncs    that    by    drawing 

away  the   P  of  Wales  regiment  from  him  his 


67 

condition  was  so  weakened  that  the  Rebells 
planted  at  Draiton  :  professes  that  w^  2000 
ffoote  more  to  take  Warwick  and  Stafford  : 
Invites  P.  R  to  looke  that  waye,  being  con- 
fident that  there  w^as  no  part  of  the  King- 
dome  where  in  so  short  a  time  so  much 
advantage  may  be  made,  &  6000  horse  & 
ffoote  raysed  to  marche  any  whither,  nor  a 
greater  oportunity  to  add  another  Trophy 
to  his  Highnesse  glorious  atchievements 
Writes  to  invite  the  Prince  again  Aprile  14. 


Latham 

March  7,  1643 


E  of  Derby  invites  the  Prince  to  take  Liver- 
pool &  releeve  Latham  :  assuring  his 
presence  would  strike  terror  into  the  Rebells 
&  new  life  in  the  good  subjects.  Tells  him 
in  a  former  letter  upon  F  Tl  his  coming  to 
Shrewsbury.  That  his  fam.e  getts  credit  to 
his  Servants. 


Lincoln 

April  II.  i^:' 


State    of  T^icolnp    ali^  r    ?\ 


taken  : 


expresse 


e 


1  i    I J  ni:ni^--l'  sP';!'>  i>.:lb 


Maixh  2-).   1644 


Denliighshire 


1644. 


'I'hi'X'rc-  e.e aiime^MH >n('rs  cU->irc  the  I'nnceb 
help  :    111  2  letter^.  March  29.  April   1. 

After  the  Prince  wa.s  gone  to  Shrewsljurye  to 
settle  the  County,  (|uarters  e^  contributions  : 
See  how  backward  the  Commissioners  of 
Arrave  are  for  the  niavntenance  of  one  onely 
re<''iment  of  R.  Ellices. 


Newark 

1643,  J^"  31 


The  Commissioners  of  Lincolne  &  Notting- 
hamshire expresse  their  charges,  feares  of 
sei^^e.  the  Scots  invasions  Newcastle's  forti- 


Newark  April, 

20,    1644 


1643 


October  2 


Bristol! 

Maye  27  1643 


Armes  to 
Bnstoll 


Bristoll  fort 


fvincr    Doncaster,  c^  drawin.L,^   away  of  S^   C. 
lAicas  &  other  forces  to  resist  them. 
Belhissvs  cillso  complavnes  he   Is  calling  out 
of  York  l)\'  Xt'wcastle. 

E.  of  Xewcastle  In  strelghts.  The  Newark 
Commissioners   Invite   the   Prince  to  releive 

him. 

Glamorcran   thanks    the    Prince   for    diswad- 

in(->-  him  to  marche    into  Cheshire  :  &  gives 

him  reasons  wh\-  he  since  came  to  Tewks- 

buvre. 

Essex   writes    to    P^Iennes — I    hope  ere   this 

vou   have  made   some  examples  of  the  Bris- 

toll    Traytors  ;    &    [)ut    others    to    a  fine    & 

ran  so  me. 

The  Queen  sends  a  Dunkirk  frigate  w^^ 
Armes  pistolls  Shott  Granadoes  etc  to 
Bristoll  Aug  15.  1643. 

Create  fort  at  Bristoll  begun.  Hopton 
desires  the  Princes  order  In  It  Sept  i, 
1643  Hopton  deslrc's  the  Prince  Hawly  may 
be  his  Leiftenant  Governor 


1643  Feb  12 
Ld  Digby's  compli- 
ments. 


April  6  1644 


L-  Dlu^bv  i)rofesses  all  favthfullnesse  to  the 
Princes  service  :  bi'seeching  him  to  be  con- 
fident  that  no  man  living  should  bring 
more  Industr\-e  or  nv)re  affection  to  the 
execution  of  all  his  commands  then  he 
should,  when  the  Prince  should  honor  him 
w'''  them. 

And  Whereas  It  seems  by  other  of  Digby's 
letters,  there  was  a  purpose  at  Oxford  to 
recall  the   Prince  thither  from  Shrewsburye, 


09 

presently  after   his    Newark    victory e  :  ^and 

one   order    had    been    sent    from   the    King 

P.  R.  by  Kg.  orders  bv    Digl)v  ;  And   Whereas    the    Prince   was 

^e:j:bur^e         deslrous    to  couthiue   in    Shropshire   till    he 

could   gett    up    an   Armye,   the   King   sends 
other    orders    by    Digbye,    Dated    April    6, 
1644,    upon   that  Digby   thus   complements. 
That  the  prince  should  stay  there  to  rayse 
such     an    armye,    as    wee    shall    not    neede 
committ   that   w'^'  you    esteeme   a   fault    any 
more,  of  relying  upon  your  reputation,  which 
though  it  be  not  a  foundation  for  councells, 
&  resolutions  ;  yet   you  must  be   pleased  to 
allowe   it  to  be  of  excellent  heartning  to  all 
those  who  have  so  high  an  opinion  of  your 
virtue  and  braverye,  as  possesses  the  heart 
of  y'  Highnesse  most  affectionate  Servant 

GEORGE  DIGBY 

Oxford  April  6.  1644 

It  seemes  presently  after  Edgehill  there  was 
some  private  designe  to  have  Warwick  Castle 
delivered  :  wherefore  Essex  would  not  lett 
Col  Vavasor  be  sent  Prisoner  thither. 
Essex  extreme  obstinate  agaynst  peace,  as 
out  of  hope  of  pardon  (says  Lady  Aubigny) 

Goring  testifyes,  the  Oueene  understoode  & 
esteemed  P.  R  beyond  his  expressions 

Goring  writes  Newcasde  was  16000  strong 
well  armed  :  whereof  neere  3000  horse 
besides  dragooners  :  &  2000  more  new 
levved  ffoote,  yet  unarmed. 


1642 

March  31 

Essex  agst  peace 


1643  Apr.  18 


The  North 
Aprile  22  1643 


I 


1* 


1 643 


Sept  17 


Shropshire 
Nov  7 

Deer  12  1643 


Jan.  14 
Byron  : 

Xantwich 


Feb  21 


Feb  24 
Aprile  4,  1643 


14 


Shropshire 


70 

The  KlnQT  bv  Dic^bv  to  the  Prince  :  pursuing 
Essex  from  Glocester  :  &  Rupert  having 
overtakin^^  Essex  :  the  Kinir  desires  to 
know  where  to  brinc^^  up  the  fibote  to  him 

Bvron  to  be  sent  to  Lancashire. 
It  seems  Ormond  had  sent  some  into 
Cheshire,  wch  he  called  his  Armve  Cheshire 
coukl  march  4000  ffoote  c^  neere  1000  horse 
besydes  Capels  in  Shropshire  sayes  L'^ 
Byron  :  Harding  Casde  taken  by  them 
upon  composition. 

Byrons  designe    on    Nantwich    retarded    by 
Fairfaxes,  coming  to  rek^eve  it 
took  some  of  k^airfaxes  S'  X.  Byron  &  Willys 
taken  w"'  8   Cornells — Ernely  commes  hopes 
to  take  Xantwich 

Brouorhton  Tillier  &  Vauohan  landed  &  sent 
towards  Shrewsburve 

Fairfaxes  accompt  of  Cheshire 

Estate  of  Cheshire  &  Shropshire  at  L'^ 
Capell's  coming 

He  invites  the  Prince  thither;  he  invites  the 
Prince  acfain 

Lancashire  &  Cheshire  in  Capells  April 
4  1643.  Brereton  Sir  \V.  Fairfaxes  accompt. 
Brereton  besieged  in  his  howse ;  able  to 
hold  out  for  6  or  7  dayes  Feb  20  1643,  1642 
Broughton  &  Tillier  w^  1800  by  list  &  S^  W. 
Vaughan  w^^  300  horse  landed  about  time,  of 
princes  setting  out  of  Oxford.  These  sent 
to  Shrewsburye 


1 


March  2  1 643 
March  23 
Newark. 


March  7 


Newark  Sollicites 
forayd  J  any  31 
Stale  of  it  and 
Lincolnshire 


April  I 
1644 


April  9 
April  26 


Latham  besiijed  :  see  Bvron's  letter. 

The   Prince  ^"oino-  to  Xewark  left   Bvron  at 

Chester,  &  ordered  a  i)artye  of  horse  to  go 

releive  Latham,  saves  Derbv's  letter  but  bv 

March    23    they   were   too    close    about    the 

house. 

See  Derbye's  letter 

Axholme  quitt,  whence  Meldrum  forced  S' 
John  ?^Lagney  &  his  horse  about  Jan  :  24, 
1643— a  litde  before  this  gatt  they  Gains- 
borow. 

S'  Charles  Lucas  sent  to  the  Xorth  (after 
Towcester)  called  to  Doncaster.  Lincoln 
when  taken. 

See  Commissioners  letters  Jan  31 

Lincoln  &  Gainsborow  quitt.      Porter  called 

awav      bv      Newcastle— Commissioners     of 

Lincolne 

Lincoln  Estate  Crowland  beseiged. 

State  of  the  North.  Implore  Princes  ayd 
April  I  &  ]\ Larch  29  then  Newcasde  offers 
prince  the  command. 


« 


J 


^1 


LETTERS  FROM  WILLIAM   BENETT  TO 
HIS  MOT?iER,  MRS.  BENETT,  Norton  Bavent. 


[No.  57.; 


Hon'^  Mother 

I  had  writt  to  you  as  soone  as  I  came  to  Towne 
but  y'  I  thought  you  would  have  y=  newes  of  y"^^  progation 
of  y'  Parliam'  before  my  letters  could  come  to  y'  hands ; 
but  now  there  is   some  latter  newes  w^''  i)raps  you  have 
not   heard,    &   y' Is   a    second    pte    to    y=  olde    tune   of 
Shameing   y=   Plott ;   by    suborneing    of    Wittnesses   to 
sweare  severall   things  whereby   to    asperce  &  cast  an 
odium  on  y'  Duke  of  Monmouth  &  severall  other  Peeres, 
thereby  to  lighten    y=  burthen   of  y"   Papist   Lords,   y= 
pticulers  of  y'  story  I  cannot  give  you,  but  this  is  certaine 
y"  Mr  Christian   one  y''  belongs  to  y=  Earl  of  Danby  is 
taken  into  custody,  &  it  is  s'^  y'  Blood  is  likwise  appre- 
hended, for  v=  same  fact  w"'  three  or  fowre  more,  this  is 
all  at  psent,'  with    my  humble  duty  to    yo'  self  &  due 
respects  to  all  my  relations,  wisheing  all  happinesse  to 
attend  you,  I  take  my  leave  &  remain 

Your  most  dutifull  Sonn 

WM.  BENETT 

Jan  31st 

1679 


[No.  58.] 

Hon''  Mother 

This  last  weeke  I  writ  to  you  to  desire  a  returne 


\ 


72, 

for  some   mon(-\",   but  now  \'oii  need  not  send  anv  bill, 
for  ?^Ir  Cra\-  is   in  bnvnc  v."^  I    shall   be  suppl\-cJ  by  him. 
I    doc    thiiikc^    to    be ''in    mv    iournev    towards    voii    on 
Thiu'sdav    V"    lotli    instant,    (if    I    can    make    rcadv    v' 
busincssc  bv  x'  tMiic)  tlicrcioro   1   would  ha.vc  mv  horse 
to  meet  me  at   BasinLTStoake   on   v'  dav,  if  you  doe  not 
heare   from  me   to   y"  contrary,   by   y""  next   post.     This 
day  y"    King    in    Councell    declared    y"    Parliam^  to    be 
desolved,    &   y'   a   new    one    shall    meet    y"   seventh    of 
October.      Heare  ha\"e  ben  a  report  y'  there   was  an  at- 
tempt made  u|)on  y"  Kin^-'s  })son  to  kill  him,  at  Windsor, 
but   I   thinke  there    is  little   truth   in  it  :   if  vou   heare  of 
a  small  Prophett  y'  is  lately  come  to  towne,  about  3  years 
old,    &   three    f)ot   high,    y'    can    spc^ake    all    languages 
as  }'ou  may  take  m\-  word  f)r  it.   y'  it  is  a  l)-e,  for,  there 
is  noe  more  in  it   but  this,   y'  fithei'  or  some  other  pson 
soe  soone  as  )"   childe  could  speake  hath  taught  it  some 
few   words    of  Latine   cK:   Greeke.      Thus    w''    my    duty 
to  yo'  self  rmd  kinde   respects  to  all  my  relations.  I  take 
leave  <^  remaine 

\(y  most  dutifull  Sonn 

WM.   PEXETT 

July  y'  loth, 
1079 

These 

ffor  his  honor'  mother 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  Benett  at 

Norton  Bavent  nere 

Warminster  Wilts. 


[Xo.  59. 

Hon''  Mother 

Yesterday  in   ye  aftcrnoone  I   came  to   London, 


W 


\n 


1 
.11 


my  journey   was    somethlnc,^   stornicy    untlll    I    came   to 
Gosper   nere  Portsmouth,    w  Ms  a  place   lately  fortilird 
both  a-s^  ye  land  <^  sea.      V'  sea  fcjrts  Ka^s  conveniently 
to    Im[)ede    ye    passa-tj    of  shii)S   y^   shall    couk;    Into    y^ 
harbor  bevoncl    lV)rtsmouth   eK:  y'  land   works   may  serve 
to   secure   those    forts   if  any   enemy   should  land   at  ye 
back   of  them.      Portsmouth    its<:lfe   is    very    strong   and 
they  are  hard  at  work  to   make   it   stronger.      I   suppose 
you  have  heard  of  ye  Parli<mns  being  prorogued   untill 
y«  26th  of  January.   The  Peoi)le  talks  very  loude  of  these 
often   putting   off   of    Parliamts    cK:    seeme    to    be    much 
discontented.      It  is  said  y^  tht-   Duke  of  York  is  to  goe 
for  Scodand  next  Twesday,   this   day   hc'  went  into  ye 
Citty    to    dyne    there,    w'''   th(^    Artillery   men    at    there 
accustomed    feast,    &    hereby  he    may   easily    pceave    y'^" 
affections    of  y'-"    People    towards  him.   for  as   he  passed 
through  Cheapeside  y^'  multitude  gazed   at  him.  but  did 
not  soe  much  as  shew  him  y'^  respect  of  putting  oit   their 
hats,  this  the  newest  newes  of  ye  towne  y'^  I  can  enter- 
talne    you  \\'^  at    p''sent,    therefore  shall  tak(^    my  leave 
&  w'^  my  hum.ble  duty  to  yo""  self  and   kinde   respects  to 
all   my    relations.     Wisheing  you  health  &   ha^jpinesse 

I  remain 

Yo'  most  dutifull  Sonn 

WM.   BENETT 

October  ye  20th  [or  27th] 
1679 


[No.  60. 


London  No'""  y  6th  1679 

Hon^  Mother 

There  have  been  lately  a  greate  discovery  made 


\ 


of  y'  fained    Presbiterian   plott   y^  was  soe  much   buss'd 
about    in    ye    Country  ;     ye    noise    whereof,     1    belee\'e 
is    suftkiently    spread    into    all    pts    of     y"    nation  ;     the 
Papists   intending   thereby  to  through   off  ye   odium  ot 
theire   plott  from    themselfs,  thought  to   cast    it  upon   y'^ 
Presbiterians;  for  w*'^  purpose  they  used   these  artitisses; 
first  to   seduce  v'  Kings    evidence,    viz.    Mr    Dugdall,* 
a    man    of   y"    most    unblemished    reputation  of    all    y" 
discoverers,   &   solllcited  him   w'''   y"  promise   of   greate 
rewards,    to    recant    all    y'    he    had    given    in    evidence 
ag'  y"  preists    &    Jesuits   he    resoKeing   to  fmde   out   y^ 
depth  of  there  designe    lead    them    on    with   hoi)es  ;  but 
w^^'  all   imparted   the  affaire   to  severall  psons  of  quality 
who  at  y"  meeteings  of  Dudgall  and   Pasborough  (whoe 
was  )'e  man  y'  solllcited  him)  were  placed,  soe  in  private 
corners.  \-'  the)-  might   heare  \-e  discourse,  but  meeteing 
\v''"  severcdl  delayes   Pasborough  did  begin   to  be  jealous 
of  Du'-xlall;   whereui)on.   he  found   out  some   means    to 
acquainte    y'-^    King    &    Councill,    y'  Dugdall    offered    to 
recant,    for    a    sume  of   money  ;    thereby,    thinkeing   to 
disparage  his  evidence  :  but  upon  examination   Dugdall 
was    cleared     In   his    reputation  ;    and    Pasborough   co- 
mitted   to  Newate   &   to  back  this  stratagem   there  was 
another  dc:vise,  &  as   it  was  to  be  acted  after  y*^  other 
had    taken    effect,  soe   it    happenned    to   be    discovered 
miraculously  in  y^'  like  order,  they  havelng  poynted  out 
severall   psons  for  destruction  whom  they  thought  was 
acr'  there   Interest,   both   of  ye    nobility   and  gentry,    in 

*  Burnet  says  of  Dugdale  *  *  *  "  This''  (the  behaviour  of  the  con- 
demned Papists  on  the  scaffold)  "  began  to  shake  the  credit  of  the 
evidence,  when  a  more  composed  and  credible  person  came  in  to 
support  it.  One  Dugdale,  that  had  been  Lord  Aston's  bailiff,  and  lived 
in  a  fair  reputation  in  the  country,  was  put  in  prison  for  refusing  the 
oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy."— Burnet's  '  Own  Times,'  vol.  i. 
p.  444,  edit.  1724. 


order  hereunto,  there  was  one  Dangerfeild*  ahas  Willoby, 
y'  came  to  a  house  where  one  Collonell  Ivlansell  lodged, 
&  took  up  lodLreino-s  for  himselfe,  <&  haveing  in  a  short 
tyme  an  oi)[jtunIty  to  goe  into  ye  Collonells  chamber, 
when  he  was  out  of  y  \va\-,  under  ptence  of  seeing  it  ; 
placed  some  letters  of  treasonable  matters  behinde  his 
bed  ;  and  then  goes  to  y"  costome  house  S:  informes  y*" 
officers,  y'  there  was  in  this  Mansells  chamber  phibited 
goods  to  y^"  value  of  2000/.  &  bring  them  to  search, 
but  they  not  fmdeing  any  such  goods,  this  informer, 
wished  them  to  looke  behinde  ye  bed,  where  immediately 
they  found  ye  fores'  papers  w''^  being  carried  to  ye 
Councell  Mansell  was  sent  for  &  ui)on  examination  of  y"" 
matter  y^  cheat  was  discovered  &  the  informer  sent  to 
prison  ******  it  is  s''  have  discovered 
ye  whole  affaire  now  in  the  middest  of  these  *  *'  * 
*******  happened  that  S''  William  Waller 
had  some  item  or  suspition  that  there  might  be  some- 
thing of  m.oment  in  one  Mrs.  Selliers  house  where 
the  S'  Omers  witnesses  lodged  &  in  searcheing  found 
in  the  bottom  of  a  meale  tub  a  booke  w"'^  is  a  com- 
pendium of  the  whole  designe  &  about  2  dayes  since 
he  found  out  more  of  Harcortes  pa})ers  with  a  legier 
booke,  y'  confirmeth  ye  truth  of  ye  hrst  plott.  In  this 
last  villanous  contrivance  it  is  s*'  that  Sir  Robert  Paten 
whoe  is  elected  K'  of  Parliam'  for  Midd  is  deeply 
concerned  &  it  was  farther  designed  y'  Blood  whoe 
stole  y^  Crown,  should  be  first  seised  &  accused  for 
designeing  to  kill  y*"  King,  whoe  for  y'  sake  of  his 
pardon  should  impeach  all  those  y'  they  had  designed 
for  destruction,  &  when  this  was  don  ye  King  should  be 

*  "  Dangerfield,  a  subtle  and  dexterous  man,  \\\\o  liad  -one  tln'ough 
all  the  shapes  and  practiees  of  roguery,  and  in  particular  was  a  false 
coiner,  undertook  now  to  coin  a  plot  for  the  ends  of  the  Papists." — 
Burnet's  '  Own  Times,'  vol.  i.  p   475. 


77 

on  a  sudden  made  away  ;  I  doe  not  heare  y^  there  is 
any  evidence  ag^  Blood  or  y  he  is  secured.  Ye 
Lady  Powis  is  comitted  for  being  an  abettor  in  this 
plott,  &  soe  is  ye  L^'  Castlemaine.  Haveing  noe  more 
at  psent  I  shall  take  my  leave  w^^'  my  humble  duty  to 
yo-"  self  &  kind  respects  to  all  my  relations  &  remaine 

Yo'  most  dutifull  Sonn 

WM.   BENETT 


Bl 


■  1 

ij 

n 
n 
11 


LETTERS   FROM 


WILLIAM    BENNETT 


TO 


COLONEL    BENETT. 


So 


[X 


nl.] 


LETTKRS    FROM    WIl.MAM     l>}:XXErT   Tu 

c^  njjWA.  iu:xi:  i  T. 


i^rom  Sturmister  Mill. 

Oct°ye  1.  7: 


D' 


ir  Cosin 


lliu  iVair  hath  now  brought  the  good  newes  that 
( )  ■  erton  writelnges  are  found  ;  he  will  give  you  a  ffarther 
account  of  that.  Cosin  a  peice  of  land  that  I  very  well 
k^^ow,  is  now  to  be  sold,  all  good  pasture  ground  &  noe 
doubt  in  the  tide  I  alwayes  tooke  it  to  be  under  set  at 
least  10/.  per  ann  :  it  lyes  in  Marnhull  parish,  yet  but  a 
mile  from  Margrett  Marsh,  I  suppose  nothinge  can  be 
bought  that  wil  be  more  certaine  of  a  good  tenant,  to 
take  any  time  what  soever,  &  noe  danger  of  payment  of 
y^  rent,  it  is  one  Mr.  Joanes  land  of  Lime  a  very  rich 
man,  &  right  honest  worthy  gendeman,  he  did  not  set 
ii  to  sale,  but  I  desired  Mr  Burbidge  his  brother  in  Law 
to  aske  him  whether  he  would  part  with  it,  he  have  sent 
me  a  price,  &  I  shall  speake  with  him  myselfe  next 
weeke  about  it,  the  value  of  ye  land  as  now  set  is  a 
hundred  &  five  pounds  per  ann.  S'  yf  you  have  noe 
desire  to  purchese,  I  doe  by  noe  meanes  endeavor  to 
pswade  you  unto  it ;  yet  pray  give  mee  a  line  by  y^  very 
next  post,  in  answere  unto  this,  yf  it  be  noe  kindnesse 
unto  you  a  freind  of  mine  I  very  well  know  will  gladly 
accept  it,  you  are  to  take  notice  y'  there  is  noe  house 
on  y'  land,  my  most  faithfull  service  p'sented  unto  all 
r  very  good  freinds,  I  meane  those  what  went  unto 
;X   a  with  you. 

for  ever  y^  same  whilst  yo'  Unckell 

WILL  BENNETT 


81 


[No.  62.] 


Sn..iti<'n  (). 


10  \- 


A  wensday  last  I  was  at  \-  v;!-  ffu-nv  it  (odford, 
&  the  next  morn  ;  Jefer\-  X:  1  w  is  ihere  againe  but  to 
noe  purpose  at  all ;  for  Mr  ingrum  &  some  others  ;  have 
quite  altered  y^  ffarmer  last  resolves  for  the  errable  that 
belongs  to  y^  farme  the  Cow  Lease  &  house  was  the 
only  bargaine  he  now  p'^ferred  rent  for,  that  I  did  not 
thinke  fit  to  consent  unto  &  soe  we  parted,  he  beinge 
willinge  to  speake  with  you  about  y^  errable  &  Cow 
lease.  Cosin  I  am  told  y^  ffarmer  Shephard  of  Litle 
Ambesbury,  wants  a  ffarme  at  this  instant  of  time  for 
his  Lanlord  have  sold  that  he  now  lives  in,  &  y^  pur- 
chaser comes  to  live  in  y^  farme  I  have  sent  unto  him 
about  yo""  haveing  some  acquaintance  with  him  myselfe 
the  onely  thinge  I  doubpt  of  yf  it  he  comes  to  view  your 
farme,  is  the  very  meanesse  of  your  house  &  a  stable 
not  fit  for  any  good  cart  horse  to  stand  in,  I  thinke  it 
wil  be  some  what  hard  to  gett  a  good  sufficient  tenant, 
to  be  pleased  with  y^  house  &  much  more  dislike  unto 
y^  stable,  I  shall  make  it  part  of  my  buishnesse  to  set 
your  ffarme  against  you  come  downe. 

Sir 

Your  sistere  Patience  desires  me  to  p^sent  her 
humble  service  to  her  freinds  &  shee  likewise  intreats 
my  Bro.  Matth  :  Bennett  &  your  advice  as  in  relation  \o 
Mr.  Bishope  &  herselfe  noe  nuptiall  vow  is  to  be  made, 
but  with  your  good  likeinge  his  estate  I  have  seen  about 
five  hundred  &  fiftie  pounds  p  an ;  engagements  are  not 
fit  to  be  named  on  Letters,  yf  you  please  a  line  in 
answere  is  desired  to  her  concerne.     Jefery  p^sent  his 

M 


82 

humble  service,  &  desired  me  to  satisfie  my  deare  Cosen, 

&  yo    Lady  with   what  she  desired,   sheepe  bought  at 

Shrowton   1080  at   10'  a  peice  more  at  Shrowton  40  at 

7/6  a  peice  10  shillinges  giv""  back  againe   100  sheepe 

from    Stofton    farme    1 1' a   peice    100    sheepe    from  y" 

Unuui  Turke  12'  a  peice  from  John   Imprum  80  sheepe 

I  2    I  peice  in  the  whole  500  sheepe  2  hundred  sold  from 

Codhad  cii  14   a  peice  the  same 

W.  B. 


[No.  63.] 

East  Orch,  June  ye  13,  78. 

I  have  yo"^  of  ye  11  now  before  me,  and  Mr. 
Churchill  or  by  his  order  shal  be  payd  loolb  upon  sight. 
Jeffrey  Long  is  now  with  me,  he  canot  returne  you  any 
mony,  I  have  ordered  him  to  bringe  what  mony  he  can 
make  upp,  unto  Mr.  Dibben  and  myself  a  Satterday 
next,  wee  will  returne  it  unto  you,  (yf  possible  to  be  done) 
I  \  Cirryer,  yi  not  otherwise. 

Sir 

I  most  heartily  thank  you,  in  relation  unto  your 
very  kindp  nroferr,  to  doe  my  sone  the  honor  as  to  be 
liken  notice  oi;  by  soe  very  great  psons  (yf  you  please) 
pr.iy  doe  ^  i  mention  any  thinge  unto  him,  untill  you 
here  aeaine  from  me  about  it,  yf  it  were  possible  to 
in  ike  him  a  prebend  of  Gloster,  ye  next  turne  /  falls, 
noetiiiii^o  soe  good  for  him  as  I  thinke. 

1  have  spoken  with  Mr.  Dibben  alreadie  about 
account  nc  n  11  speake  with  him  againe  to  morrow.  I 
could  wish  ;{:-.  Dibben  was  psnt  when  your  account  is 
,1  It  L  rm  h  i,  very  much  imployed,  &  you  best  know 
nh  :h       Mr    W   iie  can  well  goe  through  with  it. 


83 

S'  I  sent  you  a  lett :  ye  last  weeke,  I  doe  not 
finde  by  yo'^  that  it  came  unto  yo  hand,  it  was  to  minde 
yo  of  100/.  I  payd  unto  Mr.  Dibben,  which  you  pmised 
to  pay,  when  I  last  saw  you,  &  made  my  account  with 
you,  Tom  ffarr  being  psent,  and  when  I  came  to  pay 
Mr.  Dibben  y^  100/.  I  was  in  your  debpt,  he  told  me  he 
wanted  y''  other  100/.  also,  &  I  payd  that  100/.  likewise, 
but  without  yo  order  &  soe  I  borowed  it.  by  reason 
Mr.  Cheswell  failed  of  payinge  in  mony  to  pay  Mistris 
Pile,  as  you  had  ordered  Mr.  Dibben  and  myselfe 
to  receive,  I  sent  a  lett  about  it  2  months  since  and 
mentioned  y^  same  unto  you,  but  rec^  no  answere  unto 
y^  pticular. 

Mr.  Bower  have  not  payd  his  lOolb  as  yet  by 
reason  I  had  not  y^  mortgage  I  would  not  take  it,  I 
thinke  he  will  pay  in  but  100/.  of  200/.  due,  I  have  credit 
enough  but  forth  of  mony  at  present.  My  ffaithful 
service  psented  is  all  at  psent  from 

Your  ever  obliged  Unckell, 

WILL  BENNET. 

When  the  good  Deane  of  Gloster  comes  unto 
London  he  wil  be  willing  to  doe  any  thinge  in  his  power 
as  to  procure  y^  next  grant  for  a  prebend,  but  these  are 
great  favors,  to  hard  I  doubt  for  me  to  obtaine  :  my 
Bro.  Matth  once  prmised  to  move  the  speaker  in  it. 


[No.  64.] 

East  Orch,  Jann.  y^  7,  78. 
Deare  Cosin, 

I  rec^  yo""'  but  this  morn  :  Yo  Mother  hath  taken 
Mr.  Bury  300/.  into  her  hands  &  taken  it  as  her  owne 
mony  ;  but  yf  you  write  a  line  unto  her,  she  will  deliver 


84 

ye  300/.  unto  Mr.  Dibben  &  he  will  pay  it  as  you  shall 
give  order.  Coll.  Butler  mony  is  altogeather  uncertaine 
when  to  be  payd,  yf  you  will  be  pleased  to  write  unto 
^    -  ''  :^  t;:    better.     Air.  Bower  gave  notice  of  paying 

III  K'Ui  100". 


^    ^  ---  --'^    '  '  to  you  once  before  about  a  lool. 

I  pa\e  ([  tint  )  Mr.   I^:.■     n  f  r  \  ou,  since  we  accounted... 


\v;i> 


>  ir 


l.u,v 


LI  Lf  ' 
1 


Mi>tri>  I'iir-  th'-  (Li\'  wlif'n  a''"m!  Wf  nt  tV,  .•>^  s 
you  (>c  I  acciHinica,  Ti,m  \\.>r  L.-hi^r  th.^i  p'-M^nt,  a:  iih'VK 
was  iOo/.t}u:n  diu-  uium  \-.)u  frn:]]  m.^  winch  y^u  nnlrTcd 
mc  to  [Kiy  unto  Mr.  Dihbcn.  Cv  vou  th<-!i  snxd  \nu  would 
take  course  to  [)a\-  him  yo  other  loo/.  hut  when  I  caiUf! 
unto  Mr.  Dibben  to  pay  my  10x3/.  he  tobl  lue  tliat  he  had 
not  rec-  y"  100/.  of  you.  S')e  I  pa\d  him  without  \-o  order 
&  borrowed  y'"  200/.  Hkewise  without  yo  order  also,  this 
I  sett  lorth  at  len^i^^h  by  reason  you  answered  not  a  word 
unto  that  part  of  my  lett  :  which  was  sent  3  weeks  since 
yf  you  doe  not  remember  it,  I  hope  \"  same  account  is 
to  be  found,  I  have  it  all  upon  my  booke. 

As  to  all  other  concerns  in  yo  lett  :  I  will  most 
dllligently  observe.  Mr.  Dibben  is  not  at  home  but  after 
I  have  rec'  yo^  next,  a  full  account  of  what  you  have  now 
WTitten  unto  me  about  shall  be  given  you,  my  ffaithfull 
service  unto  my  good  Cosin  y'  Lad)',  for  ever  ye  same 
whilst  your  Unckell. 


WILL  BENNETT. 


Yf  my  good  sister  Matt^' 
be  wdth  yo,  pray  p'sent 
my  service  unto  her  and 
let  know  Capt.  Blewcoate 
is  very  well. 


85 

[No.  65.J 

East  Orch  May  y^  31  79 
Deare  Cosin, 

In  my  last  unto  you  I  desired  a  kindnesse  yf  it 

lay  in  your  way  for  my  Unckell  Mr  John  Snouk  which 

is  bearer  hereof,  he  is  a  very  honest  man  i^:  I  hope  will 

pforme  his  duty  well  in  any  place  he  shall  undertake,  yf 


'  a  \'f"' 


you  can   doe  him   an\'  kinuuesse,   ii  ^\  H 
fawa-  uiiiij  nan,  c\:  ^liall  alwayes  be  acknejcd^i 'd  by 

Yo*"  obhe^ed   idu  keil  C\: 
Ser\aiani 

WILL  BLXN]-:Td\ 
it  is  my  L  Chancellor  that  have  tlie  i^ift  of  those  fjebend^ 
places  at  Cde.-^iiu"  1  raiel}'  Jiiinda;  it  but  doe  not  ikittor 
mysolk:  that  I  have  any  ho})es  to  p"\'aile  some  of  my 
Cosin  D  freinds  hath  told  me  lie  will  bee-in  his  shute 
aci\aine.  but  I  am  told  mony  n'rowes  short  with  him.  his 
wdttnesses  had  monv  bofore  hand  last  time,  yet  his  Bro. 
Roots  his  ffunih'  is  now  kept  most  [)art  by  y"  all  parish 
Charitie  &  Ids  other  witnesse  is  sayd  by  all  that  knowes 
him  that  Lovell  Wdnterburne  nor  any  Weekes  in  Shafton 
can  come  neare  him  yf  he  be  told  his  story  right,  he  is 
your  Bro.  D'  Baliffe  at  y""  Devises  &  was  sent  by  his 
master  imto  my  house  a  purpose  to  know^  me  &  there 
was  never  a  better  fury  packed  as  Tom  Beach  that  know- 
them  all  saycs,  &  It  cost  him  a  great  deale  of  mony,  one 
of  his  Cablnett  Consell  hath  told  me  all  passages,  &  how 
Roots  came  to  sweare  I  made  y""  pmlse  at  Mr  Davy 
house,  where  I  never  saw  him  ;  I  think  my  Bro  :  was 
fully  satisfied  of  ]Mr.  Roots  before  those  dayes  &  he  was 
not  likely  to  send  me  to  treat  with  him.  But  as  Mr. 
Eyers  sayd  he  will  sweare  any  thinge,  yf  he  coidd  but 
tell  what  will  doe  It,  my  service  to  yo  Lady  &  my  good 
Sister.  W.B. 


86 

[Xo.  66.] 

Shnpton  Ja  y"  15    80 
Good  Cosin 

I    rcc"  noe   answcrc   unto   my  last   letter   pray  be 

soe  kind  by  ye  next.      I   ha\e   now  g()tten  a  returne  for 

yo  roo/.  and  for  a  100/.  more  for  my  P>ro'  Matth  Bennett 

use  I  have  sent  ye  200/.  bill  inclosed,  pray  send  me  Mr. 

Palmer  receit  for  my  100/.  rec"  for  my  Bro.  Matth  Bennett 

use,  assone  as  he  have  rec '  y''  mony.      I  am  to  mett  your 

tenant  at  Salisbury  ^Mundav  next,   In  (M'der  to  V  settin^-e 

yo  ffarme  at  Codford.      6  or  8  of  yo  vcr)'  good  freinds 

and  myselfe  am  nowdrlnking-e  your  good  health  in  a^glasse 

of  good   sacke.      I  want   Mr.  Palmer   receit  for  y  fifteen 

pounds  that  yo.  Bro.  Burgc  rec'  of  me.      I  mentioned  y" 

same  in  my  last,   but  want  yo  answere,   IMr  ffreke  is  now 

at  home,  I  intend  to  wayte  on  him  tomorrow  my  service 

unto  all  our  freinds  in  hast  from 

Your  obliged  Unckell  y'  same 

WILL  BENNETT 


[No.  67. 


Deare  Cosin 


Salisbury  Ja  y^  i8/'So 


I  was  yeasterday  with  Col  Butler  (and  I  take 
him  to  be  declininge  apace  as  to  his  health)  I  modestly 
demaned  yo  60/.  due  for  interest  for  which  he  gave  me  a 
bond  when  he  payd  y^  principall  mony,  he  have  pmised 
&  failed  me,  from  time  to  time  this  12  months,  &  now  he 
have  named  two  dayes  viz^  Saterday  come  se  night,  20/. 
and  the  rest  at   Lady  day  next    I   wish  he  may  be  well 


^s- 


to  pay  both  these  payments  himselfe,    I   will  take  what 
care  in  me  lyeth  about  this  concerne. 

S'  I  mett  yo  Codford  tenant  &  Jeffery  at  Salisbury 
this  dav.  Mr  Tho  Beach  his  wife  belnoe  sicke  could 
not  come,  after  many  words  &  longe  winded  discourses 
wee  airreed.  1  have  sett  vo  iTarme  for  three  yeares  for 
two  hundred  &  sixtie  pounds  p  ann.  I  have  tyed  y" 
ffarmer  from  shroudini'-e  v'  trees  in  \'"  home  or  less  ffarme; 
close,  which  ou^rht  to  a  been  taken  care  of  In  his  last 
lease,  I  have  also  made  him  release  his  psent  right  in  y" 
shrowdes  now  ixrowInQf  on  those  trees,  which  are  his  owne 
by  his  lease  I  hope  It  wil  be  as  well,  as  to  keepe  y"  sheepe 
slio;ht  in  hand,  &  now  wee  are  not  bound  to  keep  a 
number  of  sheepe,  at  deere  rates  as  formerly  That  was 
more  than  10/.  p  ann.  advance  to  the  rent  of  y'  flarme 
you  are  to  have  securitle  good  enough  for  payment  of 
rent. 


I  was  Sunday  last  at  Shrowton  Mr.  ffreke  speakes 
very  kindly,  &  affectionately  of  you  he  told  me  y'  you 
had  spoken  some  what  unto  him  about  yo  p'scntatlon  of 
Chesleborne  parsonage  yf  you  have  a  resolve  to  p'sent 
him  w^ith  It  I  wish  would  be  soe  kind  as  to  send  a  letter 
directed  unto  him  by  Will  Matth  y'^  Caryer  and  y^ 
p^'sentatlon  also,  that  I  may  have  y'  favor  to  deliver  It 
in  yo  name,  it  will  come  timely  enough  yf  you  send  it  to 
me  by  Matth.  This  returne  you  are  to  take  notice  by 
the  bill  I  sent  you  now  by  Will  Matth.  Satterday  next 
y''  200/.  is  to  be  called  for 

Yo  Unckell  y'^  same 

WILL  BENNETT. 


N.- 


o 


i  Xo.  6S.] 

Shafton,  J  a  y"  22/So 
Deare  Cosin 

An  answere  unto  yo^^  reed  Thursday  as  I  came 
from  Salisbury  (I  sent  you  a  lett  from  thence,  my  buish- 
nesse  there)   I   called    at  Shafton,   and   n^sentlv  mv  I^ro'' 

T  T  I  ^  J 

Hurman  &  Mr.  Mayor  came  and  shewed  me  your  Lett, 
they  p^sently  went  both  of  them  downe  to  :\rr.  Wittaker, 
he  answered  as  formerly,  ^  yf  y^'  towne  thought  fitt  to 
chuse  him,  he  was  willinge  to  serve  them,  how  farr  y^ 
will  p^-aile  I  know  not. 

But  wee  thought  it  y-'  best  wa)-  to  send  for  20  or 
30  of  our  cheifest  freindes  c^-  to  make  them  acquainted 
with  yo.  intention  to  serve  them  againc^  y{  the\-  pleased  ; 
&  I  desired  them  to  comuncate  )'our  intention  to  reste 
of  all  those  y'  gave  their  vo\-ces  for  )-ou  last  time,  this 
was  our  whole  buishnesse  Thursday  afternoon,  part  of 
y'  night,  and  Fryday  &  this  morninge  also  ;  we  fmde 
them  all,  (save  one)  to  stand  very  ffaithfull)-,  &  we  have 
10  or  12  voyces  more  than  formerly. 

This  day  I  saw  S""  Matth:  Andrew's  letter  to  Mr. 
Mayor,  and  he  writes  very  kindly  to  his  ffreindes,  and 
intends  to  come  and  visitt  them  In  pson.  I  am  very  con- 
fident noe  one  pson  is  able  to  stand  in  competion  with 
you  ;  but  when  S^  .Matth  And.  comes  and  phapps  treat 
high  I  am  confident  Mr.  B.  will  court  him  to  joyne  with 
hmi  ;  and  this  may  putte  us  to  trouble  &  charge  and  some 
hazard,  pray  consider  you  y"-  part  and  weigh  It  very  well. 

S""  \Vm.  Murrell  wayte  on  old  Grove  at  fil^rne 
yeasterday,  and  they  present  their  service  unto  you  & 
nothlnge  shal  be  wantinge  in  them  to  doe  you  any 
service. 


89 


Wee  have  a  speech  about  towne  of  Mr.  ffownes 
to  stand,  but  1  give  noe  credit  to  that  report  as  yet. 

Mr.  (jraye  rec'  a  Lett,  from  my  L''  of  Shaftesbury* 
to  this  effect  that,  he  thought  y\r.  Wittaker,  and  your 
selfe  very  fitt  psons  to  serve  y"  Towne  and   Mr.  Wittak 

*  At  the  period  tliis  letter  was  written  Lord  Shaftesbury  was  re- 
garded as  the  leader  of  the  Protestant  |)arty  in  the  liouse  of  Lords, 
'J^he  l\arliament  liad  been  dissolved  on  the  iSth  January,  1681  (1680, 
Old  Style),  and  a  new  l^trliament  was  sinnmoned  to  be  lield  at  Oxford 
on  the  2ist  ^Lirch  following.  During  the  precechng  session  there  had 
been  stormy  discu.-,sions  up(jn  (juestions  of  religion,  the  Pui)i^h  Plot  and 
the  bill  for  excluding  the  Duke  of  Vork.  on  the  ground  of  his  religion, 
from  his  succession  to  the  throne  ;  and  now  Shaftesbury  u>ed  every 
etfort  in  his  power  for  accomplishing  the  same  objects.  Li  Lord 
Shafte^bury's  Life,  by  the  late  Ah'.  Chrbuie.  are  to  be  found  several 
traces  both  of  Sliafter^bur)-'-.  action  at  this  particular  moment,  and  of  his 
correspondenre  with  Mr.  Penett.  On  the  fjrmer  of  the^e  point-  it 
maybe  well  to  rekr  to  >ome  instruction.-^  whicii  ;i|)j)arenii\-  were  drawn 
uj>  l)y  liim  tor  tlie  meml)er>  of  ParliairieiU  suiumoued  ;u  Dxford.  Thev 
consisted  of  tour  heads  ;— •'  Lirst,  We  ail  expect  that  \ou  siiould,  to 
the  last,  insist  lor  a  ijili  to  exclude  the  iJuke  of  \'ork  1»}-  name,  and  all 
other  l\)p!sh  su(-cessors,  trom  coming  to  tiie  Imperial  Crown  of  this 
realm.  Secondl)-,  i'hat  you  insist  u}jon  an  adjustment  to  l)e  made  be- 
twixt the  King's  prerogati\-e  of  .calling,  proroguing,  and  dissohmg  l*ar- 
liaments.  and  the  rights  of  the  people  to  }ia\-e  annual  Pariiameiits  to 
despatch  and  |)rovide  for  those  important  affurs  and  business  that  can 
nowhere  else  be  taken  care  oi]  for,  without  the  certaintv  of  l*arlia- 
ments  meeting  in  due  distance  oi  time  from  each  other,  and  their 
sitting  so  long  as  shall  l)e  necessary  for  the  de-patch  of  the  aiVairs  (.)f  the 
nation,  it  is  not  ])Ossible  but  that  our  laws,  liberties,  lives,  and  estates 
should  become  in  a  short  tune  at  the  will  of  the  Prince.  Tinrdly,  W'e 
ex})ect  you  should  restore  us  to  tliat  liberty  we  and  our  forefathers  ha\-e 
enjoyed,  until  tliese  last  lorty  years,  of  being  free  from  guards  aiid  mer- 
cenary soldiers  ;  it  being  the  m.separable  right  of  a  free  nation  that  they 
themselves,  and  no  sejjarate  number  of  paid  or  hired  men,  should  have 
the  guard  of  their  own  Prince,  government,  and  laws.  Lastly,  Although 
we  mention  these  three  particulars  as  most  nL-cessar\-  to  us,  vet  there 
are  several  others  of  great  imi'ortance  whu  h  v.-e  leave  to  yoiu-  wisdoms  ; 
assuring  ourseh'es  that,  until  )-ou  ha\"e  fully  })ro\-ided  iLir  a  ( omjilete 
security  against  Poiicry  and  arbitrary  power,  you  will  not  give  anv  of 
our   money."" 

In  January,  1678,  Lord   Shaftesbury  wrote  to   his   steward  :  —  "' You 
must  remember  to  make  up  the  account  with  Mr.  Dibbons,  and  pay  him 

N 


90 

resolves  as  I  unde-r.^tand  imt  to  spend  anv  ivj>ncv  ;  I  am 
some  what  in  doubt  (altho  h.-  wdl  d^'^.Tve>  iij  thai  will 
very  hardly  doe  y'  biii-hn^'sse  effVaaiialK'. 

I  hope  you   hnvr   rcc'  m\-   Sa]i.sl)ur\-  Lett,    and  vi 

"^  ^  J 

you  intend  to  p'sent  our  Ijest  freind  with  \vh;it  I  desired, 
pray  let  it  be  sent  safe  unto  mv  hand,  with  vou  Lett, 
unto  him  I  doe  not  feare  his  kindnesse  in  any  piicular 
yf  occasion  require. 

Vale 
Yo  Unckell  v'  same  whilst 

WILL  BEXXb:TT 
I  have  just  now  seen 

S""  ^Litth  And  :  Lette*r 

he  doe  not  positivelv  say 

that  he  will  come  unto 

Shafton 

I  Xo.  6(;.l 

East  Orchard,  Ja  y"  29.  So. 
Deare  Cosin, 

Mr.  Mayor  and  mv  Bro.  Hurman  was  at  I  farcrrove 
with  me  yeasterday;  and  wee  had  yo  ^klnda)•  letter  before 

the  remainder  of  Mr.  Bennett's  interest  money  according  to  the  note  I 
gave  you."  And  it  will  l)e  seen,  on  reference  to  Letter  Xo.  64,  that 
Mr.  Dibbon  was  in  correspondence  with  William  Bennett  on  monetary 
affairs.  There  is  also,  on  the  28th  August,  1675.  a  long  letter  from  Lord 
Shaftesbury  to  Mr.  Benett,  givmg  an  ac(  ount  of  a  (juarrel  which  he 
had  had  with  Lord  Digby,  arising  out  of  the  Shaftesbury  election  in 
that  year.  This  letter  will  be  found  in  the  Api/endix.  It  a])pears  also 
that  in  a  debate  on  the  Exclusion  Pull,  Mr.  Benett  stated  there  ''  was 
no  time  to  seek  for  means  in  the  future  :  whirh  mu^t  be  understood 
and  distant ;  and  that  it  would  be  much  surer  and  more  advanta^^eou^ 
if  the  King  of  England  had  already  a  son  capable  of  succeeding  him." 
This  refers  to  Charles's  natural  son,  the  Duke  of  Monmouth,  who,  it 
was  proposed  by  the  extreme  party,  should  be  recognised  as  legitimate, 
and  therefore  as  next  heir  to  the  throne.  Mr.  Benett  spoke  a  second 
time  in  the  debate—'^  If  you  will  have  the  Duke  of  York  come  to  the 
Crown,  as  other  kings  do,  speak  plain  English.  If  you  intend  that,  I 
will  prepare  to  be  a  Papist." 


91 


,a. 


us;  m  wliicn  wcr  wore  fullv  satislu-d.  \-'  niv  Ldt  chued 
unto  \-o  tlii>  da\-  scni<'-ht  was  to  ureat  a  weiu'-ht  for 
Shakes!  )ur)'  post  to  carr\',  for  I  sealed  mv  lett  with  2 
scales  and  very  fast  in  waxe.  Under  y*"  paper  wdiere 
it  was  sealed  I  thtai  irott  Mr.  Richard  Bur^-e  to  deliver 
y"-'  lett  unto  y"  post  master,  by  reason  ffrankling"  sone  is 
now  an  apprentice  with  him.  But  ^\\\  Bu:  would  warant 
this  lett  should  i^oe  safe.  I  told  him  not  soe  for  two 
scales  bem'tts  a  ereat  jealosie  <^  that  blowini^e  this  lett 
upp  it  wotild  not  be  sealed  againe  ;  soe  stands  y""  case 
and  I  thinke  much  y'^  better,  for  all  y'  heads  of  buishnesse 
in  y'  lett  folio wes 

I  there  told  \'ou  comeinci"c^  Thursda\"  from  Sails- 
])ury  1  mett  with  Mr.  Maxorev  my  I]roiher  I  hn"  after  some 
debate,  thev  went  downo  tmto  Mr.  Wdttakcr  house,  and 
camo  backe  unto  me  againe,  c2~'  then  told  mi:  Mr.  Wdtt 
wotild  ser\-e  \'  towno  )■'  thev  chuseo  him  IreoK',  l)ut  noe 
rand\'  nor  ])relence  to  an\"  such  thiuL'e.  I  told  \'oii  also 
how  farr  \''  would  ])rvaile  I  knew  not.  I  then  told  vou 
y'  wee  sent  tmto  luost  part  of  y'-  masters,  Ah'.  Murrell 
and  al)otU  ;o  more  of  our  best  and  leadin^"e  vovces  & 
shewed  yo  lett  tmto  them,  or  read  it  which  I  thinke  was 
better.  Upon  otir  desirc^s  they  made  all  y'  rest  of  our 
freinds  acquainted  with  vo:  resolve  &  v"'  next  dav  most 
of  them  came  unto  me  to  Ned  Willes  &  ftillv  asstired  me 
y'  all  your  last  \-oyces  save  but  one  stood  most  faithfully 
to  }"0U,  and  i  2  new  voyces  added.  I  there  told  you  also 
that  otir  old  Cosin  Gro\-e  and  his  Sone  sent  there  man 
imto  me  with  full  assurance  of  their  freindes  assistance, 
this  beino;e  well  considered.  I  conhdentlv  told  vou  that 
noe  one  pson  could  stand  in  competion  wath  you.  Altho 
Mr.  B's  servant  talked  abroad  in  towne  n'  ^00/.  was  lavd 
aside  for  y"  good  use  of  randy  worke,  &  their  agents  Mr. 


92 

Windcll  (^  several!    others    was   wry  rarly   alnnit   Unvne 
&  privately  used  all  waycs  (^   nicaiKjs   hut    I    suppose  to 
litle  purpose.      And  1  thinke  m\-  Katcr  which  nio.^t  likely 
fell  open  at  post  house   })\-  re-asun  of  two  seales  did  noe 
harme  at  all.     I  like  wise  sayd  yf  any  dans^^er  were  possible 
to  be  foreseen  it  must  he  Sir  And  and   Mr.  B.  to  joyne 
togeather   there  may  be  some  hazard.      I  hope  wcc  are 
able  to  with  stand  that  also,   in  a  word   I  canot  yet  fore 
see  but  you  are  very  safe.      I   have   been   at  5/.  charge 
alreadie  and  y^  sume  hath  not  been  throwne  awa\-.      Sir 
Matt  Andrewes  hath  sent  3  lett  to  Mr.  Ma\or  and  offers 
to  come  downe,  yf  an\-  good  encouragment  be  returned 
but  y^^  old  bills  must   firs  tbe  paxed   my   Ih'o  liu:    lett 
dated    this   day  unto   >ou  phapps   will  give   you  a  more 
full  account 


S^  altho  I  written   3  times,   to  know  whether  the 
15/.  that   Mr.  Burge   man   ordered   to  l)e  payd  in  unto 
Palmer  was  rec'^  for   I  payd  yo   Bro  Burye  y  money,  & 
have   noe   bill   that  Palmer  rec^^  it,    pray  doe  not  forgett 
itt  to  write  me  word,   and  )-ou  never  answere  one  word 
about  y^  psentation  of  Chesleborne.      Mr.  ffreke  told  me 
you  sayd  some  what  to  him   about  it  doe  as  you  please, 
but  pray  write   me   such  a  lett  y^  I    ma)-  shew  unto  him, 
I  well  know   y^  Mr.  ftVeke   will  not   be  any  way  earnest 
to  desire   it  unlesse   you  are   very  willinge    to   part  with 
y'  p''sentn,  but  he  will  have  some   reason   to   thinke  that 
I  had   not    yo    order   to    tell    him    that    )ou    were    well 
pleased  he  should  have  it.      I   thinke   on  better  tearmes 
you  can  never  part  with  it. 


S^  in  your  last  written  by  Tom  ffarr  he  told  me 
of  mony  to  be  payd  in  by  Starre  unto  Mr.  l^dmer.  I 
have  Palmer's  recet  for  58/.   and  payd  Starre   his  monv, 


93 

but  1  had  sent  x'ou  more  nionv  beiore  then  I  liad  ot  yd' 
in  niv  hands,  sor-  tliat  I  tooke  veastcrdav  liltir  (di^lit 
pounds  of  Mr.  ddio.  Oiijorn.  and  |)misi'd  tliat  Tom  ilarr 
should  pa\-  liis  Bro  \"  like  sume  in  London.  I'ray  t<ike 
care  it  ma\-  s|)eed!ly  be  done.  1  am  as  weary  of  writeinge 
as  vou  can  be  oi  reading 

\^ale 
\'o  obliu'ed  Unckell  y'  same  whilst 

WILL  BENNETT 


[  No.  70. 

Sl:aftesbu  Etl-br  v'  6^''  So 
L)eare  Cos  in 

I  have  been  in  this  towne  ever  since  ftriday  and 
I\h'.  ^Liyor  my  Bro.  liurman  ^h'  Gray,  ^vh'  ^hirrell  Mr. 
])Utler  m}'selfe,  and  4  or  5  more  h:ive  consulted  all  togea- 
ther  about  vo  concerne.  and  at  last  I  can  gl\'e  \-ou  a  very 
uncertaine  account.  ]\h-.  Napper  is  gone  unto  the  Sheritie 
for  y'  Wh'itt:  hov/  soone  he  will  returne  wee  knowe  not,  he 
was  all  over  y''  towne,  gave  very  good  wordes  &  spent 
about  10/.  or  12/.  but  1  thinke  liave  prevax'led  but  litle 
altho  he  reported  many  untruths  about  my  Cosin  Evans. 
All  the  towne  of  Shafton  have  been  in  great  expectation 
of  ^L  I  lyde  Dinton  comeinge  to  sett  upp  for  a  Burguesse, 
^h'.  Sheane  went  as  an  embassador  in  )-^'  name  of  130 
vovces  to  in\'ite  him  unto  towne  and  came  home,  sett  all 
the  l)ells  a  rin^-in^-e.  and  told  many  a  good  K'e,  2  o-Innves 
for  his  paines  I  becleve  was  one  of  them  ;  but  Mr.  Hyde 
sent  his  man  over  to  trye  how  y""  people  stood  affected 
I  thinke  y*"  r^Iayor  Cf  Alderman  dealt  most  faithfully 
with  him.  but  many  others  desired  his  comeinge  &  I  have 
o-ood   reason   to  b(ile*  vu    were   vcrv  ecumcst   in   it,  &  y*^ 


I   take   my  mcasun-    ri-ht,   l)oth    Mr.  P,   and  our  Coscn 
Counssellnr   Matth'^    Da:    arc    the  cheih-    actors    in   this 
clesicrne     Old  Mr  B  came  out   of  tho^r  parts   veasterchiy 
vvheth(T  he   was  with    Mr.   f  lyde  or  not,  1    know  not.  y^ 
comon  people  of  the   towne  expect    Mr.  Ilydo   to  come 
tomorrow    into    Shafton,    but    I    am    not    ahsohite   of  y^ 
opinion    for   this  very  reason  ;    I  went   by  my  sohe  about 
8    of  the    clocke   hist    ni-ht   to    honest    Mr.    ffranckh'ncTs 
house,  and   left    my  tTreindes  at   the  Rose   and   CnnMUN 
about  8  of  the  cheife    I    told    Mr.  ffranck  :   he   and   my 
selfe  only  torr(_^ather  about   my  Lett  sta>in-e  4  dayes  to 
Ionise  ;   20  times  at  least  ho  forswore  that  as  wee  drunke 
a  pint    of  wine   by  ourselves.    I    asked    him    about    Mr. 
Hyde   comeing-.   and    upon   my    request    he    shewod   me 
Mr.    Hyde    lett  :   to   him   seltV.  in    which    he  desires  his 
humble    service    unto   Mr.    B   excused    his   comeino-e   y^ 
day.    but  will   come  very  speedl)-,  and   pay  his    thcankes 
unto  Mr.  B.  and  all  his   ffreindes  whc-ther  he  will  come 
tomorow  I  canot  judge  ;  but  I    thinke  he  have  very  litle 
hopes    at    Hindon  :     yo^    ffreindes    all    advise    for    yo  : 
speedie  comelnge  downe   and  we  canot  avoyd   to  water 
yo  voyces  tomorow  altho  it  cost  10/.  pra)- give  yo  full 
advice  by  the  next. 

Vo  Unck  :   y--'  same 

WILL  BEXXET. 


y  "^ 


Xo.  ;i.] 

Shaftesburv  ffebr  :  y"  2;  80 
Deare  Cosin 

The  pleasure  Mr.  Mayor  my  Bro  Hurman  my 
selfe  &  many  more  of  yo  ffaithfull  freindes  have  had 
wthin  this   16  dayes  you  canot   imagine.     Randyes  upon 


randyes,  all  sorts  of  trecherous  designes  layd,  to  lessen 
vo  interest  in  v'^  opinion  of  \'o'  freindes,  but  ^'our  orreat 
enimves  in  the  towne,  &  beneath  v"  hill  have  missed 
their  confident  desio^nes.  for  wee  discovred  their  under 
ground  mines,  and  countermines  which  would  iill  upp 
this  sheet  of  paper  to  sett  forth,  but  I  have  done  about 
that,  and  am  now  come  to  our  yeasterdays  election. 

S'  noe  sooner  was  pclamation  made  but  Mr. 
Hener\'  Voune-e  \-'"  infornier  falls  <j\\  Mr.  Groves  man  in 
V'  face  of  y''  Court,  cr  irave  him  sexa.Tall  blowes  in  v^ 
face,  of  that  more  hereafter.  \\\;  went  on  very  fairely 
with  y"-"  poole  and  you  had  at  the  end  thirteen  scoare 
votes  S'  Matthew  Anch'ew  tw(dve  scoare  and  I\lr. 
Wittaker  about  eight  scoare.  Pclamation  made  psently 
in  y^'  Court,  Mr.  Wittaker  gave  it  for  a  losse  wee 
psently  went  all  to  dinner  togeather  Mr.  Witta  Mr. 
Mayor  his  Brethren  Mr.  Boles  son  Mr.  Still  Cap'  P^frye 
Mr.  Maynard  &  many  more,  wee  were  very  merry  & 
freindly  althogeather.  About  4  a  clocke  in  y^  afternoon 
wee  went  downe  unto  y'^  hall  &  sealed  y""  indenture,  as 
many  of  y""  Comaltie  joyned  &  witnessed  it  as  would 
then.  All  are  very  well  pleased  :  but  y^  tapp(i  must 
keepe  runninge  daye  and  night,  &  this  was  not  to  be 
avoyded  for  our  freindes  must  be  pleased  since  they 
stood  soe  fkist  after  many  temptations.  I  desire  you  to 
give  me  a  Writt  of  ease,  y^  you  have  more  of  this 
service  to  be  done 

Yo'  Unckell  the  same  whilst 

WILL  BEXXETT. 

The  Indenture  is  gone  to  Shreiffe  this  morninge 


96 


No.    7  2. 


East  Orchard  March  y"  3 

^1680' 
Deare  Cosin, 

I  canot  thinke  mine  dated  y^  23  of  ffebrary  came 
unto  yo  :  hand,  in  which  I  told  you  wcc  were  very  hard 
besett  above  hill  &  below  y""  hill,  yet  at  last  wee  caryed 
y"  day,  without  giveinge  yo  :  great  ffreinds  y^'  trouble  of 
beinge  there  ;  for  Sir  John  Coventry  Mr.  ffreke  and  Mr. 
Thynn  but  the  Satterday  before  y"  election  ;  pfered  me 
to  be  there,  yf  I  thought  that  wee  were  like  to  be  worsted, 
&  they  were  to  here  from  me  Sunday  beinge  y*"  next 
day,  Mr.  ffreke  told  me  he  would  ride  unto  Dorcester 
Munday  to  election,  8c  come  home  at  nii-ht,  &  not  croc 
next  day  unto  y'  election  at  Corfe,  but  I  sent  unto  them 
that  I  hoped  you  were  safe  &  I  was  not  willinge  to  give 
them  y^  great  trouble,  nor  add  more  charge  then  needs 
wee  must,  it  is  to  much  now,  but  had  I  followed  v^  advice 
of  some  of  yo  :  ffreindes  ;  it  had  abeen  amost  soe  much 
more  charge!  I  have  rec'  but  10/.  as  vet  eK:  that  of 
ffarmer  Blanford  he  have  very  litle  more  in  his  hands, 
&  that  10/.  I  payd  Hugh  Ffrye,  &  have  his  acquittance 
S'  Matth:  And  :  ordered  me  to  pav  it  as  vou  directed, 
I  have  payd  great  part  of  y^'  expences  with  readie  mony, 
as  the  beere  was  dranke  I  had  y^'  great  pleasure  to  be 
with  yo  :  freindes  to  pay.  &  take  part  with  them,  for 
when  I  saw  all  trickes  imaginable  playinge,  I  resolved 
not  to  goe  drove,  yf  it  were  possible  to  helpe  it  ;  I  will 
pay  all  y^  wee  are  engaged  for  the  next  weeke.  \\  cq  had 
done  it  this  very  day,  but  Mr.  Xapper  sent  me  a  lett  last 
night ;  he  could  not  meet  me  &  so  we  appointed  next 
weeke. 


I 


0; 

S'  I  was  at  Shrowton  veasterdav,  «&  after  1  iiad 
fully  satisfied  my  good  master  ;  how  thinges  went,  as  10 
every  pticular,  he  is  a  very  nice  inquirer,  he  anbWeru.l  1 
am  verv  glad  Tom  Iknnett  is  chosen  c^  bc^orun  yo  :  (-oolI 
health.  But  his  great  kindnesse,  &  generositie  did  not 
end  there,  he  i-ave  me  tenn  o-uives  to  irive  to  v''  i^oorc  in 
Shafton. 

Besides  Mr.  itreke  <j"ave  me  twentie  einves  more 
for  me  to  spend  on  vo  :  ffreinds  to  drinke  vo  :  "'ood 
health,  he  doth  not  end  his  bountie,  but  told  me  that  I 
must  consider,  &  consult  with  my  Shaftesbury  freinds  ; 
how  to  lay  forth  one  hundrede  of  poundcs  ;  that  it  may 
remaine  to  v'  s^^ood  of  v-'  towne  ;  and  now  I  make  use  of 
his  owne  wordes,  Mr.  ffownes.  Mr.  Rowland  Minnes 
and  3  or  4  gentle  more  ])esi:iU,  he  was  pleased  to  sav,  I 
would  not  adone  any  of  these  tliinges,  had  tliv-)- m.-clectrd 
honest  Tom  :  l)enncit.  and  nui  a  choose  him. 

Sir.  I  am  to  wavte  on  Mr.  ftVeke  ao-ainc  to- 
morow,  but  not  at  Shrowton  1  will  tlien  advise.  (\-f  it 
be  to  my  master  good  likeinge)  to  treat  y^'  Alderman  and 
their  wifes  with  3  or  4  ^inyes,  and  wee  will  order  v'  rest 
of  y''  ginyes,  to  be  spent  in  as  decent  &  good  order  as 
possible,  yf  \"  women  drinke,  &  sippe  a  litle  amono-st  y^ 
men,  or  as  they  shall  thinke  htt,  never  v"'  worse,  \'our 
ftreindes  increase  in  towne  every  day,  wee  had  24  vovces 
turned  unto  us  y'^  da)'  before  y"'  election,  there  is  noe  man 
able  to  stand  against  you,  \f  there  should  be  need 
againe,  I  liope  you  will  grant  my  ffoet  a  writt  of  ease, 
for  now  all  men  are  most  fully  satisfied  I  thinke,  yf  my 
great  great  tooes  stand  sound  to  me  this  springe  I  will 
neither  charge  head  stomacke,  nor  fleet,  soe  hard  aoaine* 
phapps  whilst  I  live  ;    I  thanke  God  I  am  well  at  p'sent, 

o 


9^ 

but  prcttie  warme  with  ycastcrdayes  worke,  you  never 
gave  me  aline  in  answere  about  Chesleborne  p'sentation. 
pray  minde  it  in  yo  :  next  but  doc  as  you  please. 

\o  :  unckell  th(,'  same 

WILL   BEXXETT. 


[^^ 


o. 


b^ast  Orch  ^Lirch  the  21^^  80 
Deare  Cosin 

Yours  of  the  16"^  instant  is  now  before'  mee  :  a 
Wenesday  last  Mr.  Xa[)pfr  cUid  I  mctt  at  Shafton,  and 
that  day  and  the  next  morninL^e  we  \)dyd  of  our  rand\- 
bills,  my  best  way  is  to  write  noe  more  at  p'sent,  for  it  is 
a  trouble  to  me,  that  soe  much  mon\-  should  be  so  vainl)' 
spent,  and  you  cannot  judge  it  other  wayes.  then  foolishly 
manaofed, 

Mr.  Xapper  had  a  150/.  brought  him  Tuesday 
night  by  Clarke  the  Car\-er,  and  he  told  me.  he  had  pa\-d 
of  almost  all  with  readie  monev  when  he  went  twice  over 

0'' 

the  towne,  and  Saint  Ju  :  parish  from  house  to  house.  I 
brought  but  loolb  thinkinge  that  to  be  more  monv  a  ereat 
deale  then  I  had  to  pay,  by  reason  I  had  payd  381b  before 
with  readie  monv,  i6lb  of  it  to  mv  most  exsactinee,  & 
basely  gripeinge  Landlord  Xed  WiHes  for  y"  Iilection 
day  :  jtb  for  wine,  when  1  gave  him  my  full  order  to  draw 
noe  wine  unlesse  I  was  in  ve  roome.  Xav  he  sent  his 
Daughter  unto  mee  at  y''  Xew  hin,  whilst  Mr.  W'hitta, 
Mr.  ALiyor  his  brethren  &  20  more  (-entlemen  at  diner. 
I  rose  &  went  into  v'  gallirv  to  her,  shee  told  me  her 
ffather  sent  her  to  let  me  know  he  had  noe  bodv  to  dine, 
&  he  desired  leave  to  draw  wine.      I  answered  noe  leave 


99 

was  to  be  eivcn  anal  1  told  him  ve  dav  before  1  did 
bespeake  noe  victualls  ;  shee  ans\\'ered  that  shee  was 
sorrv  to  see  lier  ffather  soe  used  :  when  y"^  bill  was  called 
next  morninee  ;o  ordinarves.  jIb  in  wine,  sacke  as  his  wife 
savd,  that  pswaded  people  to  drinke  it,  in  good  earnest 
it  was  not  worth  a  groat  a  quart.  c\:  Xed  told  me  of  It 
fortnio-ht  before,  altho  thev  doe  now  confesse  their  base 
dealinire.  I  am  or<)cinu"eto  another  house.  I  will  now  give 
you  an  account,  how  Mr.  Xapper  &  myselfe,  found  out 
waies  to  part  with  our  mony  :  fhrst  he  would  pay  halie  a 
crowme  for  everv  voxce  that  voted  for  S'  ?vlatthew^  for  his 
diner,  half  a  crowne  between  us  had  been  much  better  :  1 
allowed  but  fifteen  pence  for  your  halfe.  I  thinke  they 
are  much  better  pleased  w'''  m(;e  then  with  Mr.  Xapper, 
but  Wensday  about  7  of  \"  clocke  Mr.  Xapper  isotb  was 
d'one,  and  mv  loolt)  u'one  also,  he  had  6olb  more  from 
Meere,  I  borowed  =;olb  more  of  mv  l^rother  Hurman,  & 
lolb  I  had  in  gold  in  my  pockett.  Mr.  Xapper  payd 
awav  his  last  6olb  eX'  I  ijaxd  awav  mv  50!!)  borowed,  and 
my  10  ginyes  (saved  3  6  to  drinke)  a  lOolb  of  this  mony 
sp(uU  was  beyound  my  order.  My  Cosin  Evans  had 
mault  fitt  to  bee  used  at  such  a  time.  50II)  worth  of  drinke 
in  private  houses,  are  yet  to  draw\  they  say  they  were  bid 
to  brew,  I  payd  Old  Stayner  in  bimport  31b  and  6lh  more 
in  two  houses  fast  by,  not  Mr.  Broadgate.  in  a  word  I 
thinke  the  voyces  are  all  w^ell  pleased  on  our  part,  better 
much  then  on  S'  ALilth.  but  vo  randv  bills  amounts  to 
almost  20olb,  payd  381b  in  Shaftesbury  before  Mr.  Xapper 
&  1  mett  to  pay  togeather  lOolb  brought  from  my  house 
5olt>  more  borowed  that  day  ioginy(\s  but  3  6  of  this  left 
that  we  spent.  You  canot  be  mon^  troubled  in  readinge 
this  letter  then  1  was  in  my  mind  to  pay  itt.  altho  I  durst 
not  shew  it  to  much.  ^h'.  Xapper  payed  more,  better  let 
that  alone.      I  rcced   2olb  of  Collo  Buder  lolb  of  ffarmer 


I  GO 


Hiaiitlh  )r<l,  f 


am  I )]-( •!]] 


Sf 


.()!('   (  i 


1   V  «  >  i 


1 1 


l>UtirrJf 


ffr 


UL'il 


\'t:  re- 


t  h 


H'    I  oil 


)  >,'■  ) 


1 


,1^1 


rt'Ci  'i\-t 


tl 


11  L     J  i  J  n  t 


as  vet  (>i 


ir:  ran(,.l\'  mor 


ybasfly  >p.MU.      Sir  Matt: 


(  w 


A 


ndrew  w 


r  r 


iv'('  loifja  \-('ar  f< 


>r  cx-cr  to  a  ^chooj 


e  ni.i^icr  to  teach  n 


boys  to  rcadc  and  write,  to  fitt  to  mak 


r 


oorc 


on  in 


the  a 


oote  of  HtiL'-h  it 


'■  a[){)rent!ces  [read 


r\'es  acquittance. 


I 


ni:5  ac([uittanee  is  lost, 


[N 


( ). 


-  ,  "1 


4-J 


h' 


fi 


eai 


i  art 


that 


firettio  w 


ei  1    cis    to   \' 


V         1 


k. 


()Ut    hi 


I  c 


iLKt 


'S  Ot    \' 


(  ) 


h 


tto\'fr  reinaincs  still  witli 


\"Oll 


a\-e  a  I'-ood  heart,  t 


1  h 


s  IS  noe  nil  )r(. 


th. 


pray 


v] 


w 


:th  all 


en  wnat  is  \-"  sanii 


psons  \v 


patience   all   w 
kind   to  ^ 


th 


us. 


that  ha\-e  had   v'-'  (u 


ver,  have  but 


ill    cioe    ver\'  \v 


Sir  Andre 


wes  IS  very 


towne   ot    Shafton 


!i 


e  sen< 


les    (1 


ever\-  weeke  to  our  Cosin    Mr.  Mavor  it 


owne    \"'  votes 


Mr.  Mavor  at  t 


was  moved  ov 


own^ 


H 


all   lor  a  lett.    of  thankes   to   1 


)(i 


returned  to  S'  Matth  And 
ao-reed  of  \-'  same. 


rcwo>,    I  think  it  w; 


IS  not  fulU- 


1^  1^  E  N  D  I  X 


Vo  L 


1 1     O 


n  eke  11  0 


R:  S 


ervant 


WdLL  ni-:.\.\iArd 


rh: 


s  i>  onl\-  a  fraL-'mein  oi 


■tter 


■] 


i 


A  V  P  E  X  D  I  X, 


"August  28,  1675. 
"  Mr.  Bennett,— I  cannot  but  give  you  an  account 
of  the  affair  between  me  and  my  Lord  Digby,  it  being 
come   to   that    height   to  which   my    Lord    Digby's    ill- 
temper  hath  brought  it.      Mr.  Mussy,  whose  mistake  and 
natural  o-ood  humour  and  particular  kindness  to  me  hath 
blown   this   coal,   delivered   me   a  letter  from   my   Lord 
Digby  to  this  effect  :  that  upon  the  discourse  of  Colonel 
Strangways  being   made   a   Peer,  who  is  just  dead,  the 
gentlemen  of  the  country  at  the  assizes  had  importuned 
him  to  serve  as  their   Knight  of  the   shire   in  his  room, 
and  desired  my  concurrence.      I  writ  no  answer  neither 
then  nor  since  to  my  Lord's  letter ;  but  in  as  civil  terms 
as  I  could,  and  suitable  to  the  respect  I  bore  my  Lord's 
quality  and  relatives,  I  told  Mr.  Hussy  that  the  Intimate 
friendship   was  between   me  and    ?slr.  Freke   would  not 
permit   me  to  give   an   answer  until    I   knew^  his  mind, 
for,  If  he  stood,  I  and   my  litde  Interest  must  certainly 
be  for  him.      I  saw  not  Mr.  Hussy  after  that,  until  I  met 
him    in    Guissage  Street,  where   there  passed  no  more 
words  between  us,  I  being  in  a  coach  and  he  on  horse- 
back, but  that  I  told   him  Mr.  F'reke  did  not  stand,  and 
I  knew  no  opposition  to  my  Lord.     The  Saturday  after, 
at  the  usual  meeting  at  Blandford,  the  discourse  amongst 
us  was  that  my  Lord   Digby  had   nobody  stood  against 
him,  but  that  we  were  all  for  him,  as  Indeed   I   was  at 
the  time,  but  we  neither  obliged  one  another  nor  any  of 
ourselves  to  my  Lord  or  any  of  his  agents  that  I  know 
of,  nor  there  was  no  one  there  that  appeared   to  act  on 


I04 

my  Lord's  behalf;  so  that  all  was  mere  discourse,  and 
no  obligation  upon  any,  and   )-ou  are  my  witness  that   I 
have   no   reason   to  be  obliged,  since    I    proposed    both 
unto   Sir  William    Portman   at   the   hunting  and   to   the 
company  at  Mr.  Freke's  afterwards,  that  we  mioht  send 
to   my  Lord   DIgby  and   the  gentlemen  of  the  West   to 
give  us  a  meeting  at   Blandford,  and  there  unanimously 
and  friendly  agree  on  the  election,  which  was  not  liked, 
and    so    I    desisted.       The    day    after    that    meeting    at 
Blandford  I  had  advice  from  a  very  good  hand  that  my 
Lord   DIgby  would  not  prove  as  some  of  us  expected  ; 
upon  which  Mr.  Whitaker  doing  me  the  favour  to  come 
over  and  dine  with  me.  he   may  remember  that    I   then 
told  him  I  had  great  doubts  concerning  my  Lord   DIgby 
and  of  the  designs  of  some  of  our  great  men  above,   and 
the  correspondence  my  Lord  had  with  them.     Upon  this 
I  sent  to  xMr.  Browne  of  Frampton,  to  persuade  him  to 
stand,    which    he    refused.       Mr.    Moore    was    then    at 
Tunbridge    Wells,    and    since    his    return    myself    and 
several  of  the  gentlemen  and  freeholders  of  the  county 
have  prevailed  with  him  to  appear,  but  he  declares  that 
if  Mr.  Freke  will  yet  please  to  stand,  he  will  sit  down 
and  give  his  votes  for   him,  for  what  he  doth  Is  merely 
for  the   service  of  the   country  ;    but    I    thouoht   it  an 
unreasonable  thing   to  send  to  you  or  any  other  of  my 
friends  (with  the  advantage  of  time  that  m)'  Lord  DIgby 
had  without  a  competitor  had  pre-engaged)  to  ask  your 
civility   unto    him,    until    I    was    sufficiendy   enabled    to 
make   appear  how   lltde    he  was    like   to  answer  those 
expectations  you  had  of  him,  and  what  were  the  condi- 
tions of  your  being  for  him,   but    this  my    Lord   hath 
sufficiendy  done  to  my  hands;  for  meeting  him  yesterday 
by  accident  at  Ferndltch  Lodge,  before  a  great  deal  of 
company  and   ladles,   he  quarrelled   with   me  for  beln^r 

4^ 


105 

against  liim.  and   told   me  that  he  was  for  the  King  and 
his  countr)-,  and  that    I  was  again.st  the  Kin"-  and  for  a 
commonwe-alth,   and   that   he  v.-ould    have   mv  head   the 
next  Parliament,  and  all   this.  notwiUistandln^-  1  had  met 
him  some  da)  o  b^^H^re  at  Bowridgc  and  told  lilm  thai  the 
reason  I  was  not  for  him  was  that  I  was  assured  he  was 
not  for  me,  and   tliat   he  had    not   dealt  well  with   me   to 
expect  and   seek  m\'  assistance  whilst  he  kept  a  corre- 
si)ondence   and   was   of  the   interest   with    some    persons 
he  well  knew  of;  but  niy  wife  being  then  in  the  coach, 
I    told    him    that    whene\er    his    Lordship    would    give 
me    aPi   honest  discourse,    I    would    sufiiclently  convince 
him   thcU   he   had   done   me  tlie   injury    in    endeavourin-- 
to   make   ill   use  of  me  to   serve    that   interest,  and    that 
otherwise    I    liad    that    respect   for   him.    being    ;i   noble- 
man, and  that   might   be  of  so  great  use  to  the    King's 
service   and   public  In.terest.  that   I   should  ever  desire  to 
ha\-e  ;i'l  possil)le  respect  paid   him  by  good  men.      Xow, 
Mr.  Ilennett,  judge  you,   if  this   be  the  case,  as    I    have 
twenty  witnesses,  whether  all  honest  men  that  love  their 
country  are   not  disengaged  from   their  proniise  to  him, 
nay  radier.  whether  they  are  not  obliged   to  oj^pose  him, 
unless  the}-  mean  his  person  and  not  the-  public  interest. 
It    is    not   my  quarrel,   for.    as  for  what  concerns    me,    I 
shall    present))-  seek   a  jjublic   re|)aratIon.      Sir,    I    have 
no  more  to  sa)-  but  that  \-ou  will  please  to  communicate 
this  unto  the  rest  lA  mv  friends. 

"  I  am, 
'•  Vour  very  affectionate  friend  and  Servant, 

"  SH AFTLSBURY." 


n 


WVMAN    AND    SON'S,    rRlMPR^, 
GRICAT    QUEEN    Sfkntl,    LINCOLN'^    l.\\    fiei. 
LUNDO.V,    U.C. 


\ 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 


llillill 

1010673458 


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IV\., 


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*:  v^.*^ 


!^-.'S-»«i.V 


•.^y»/  is 


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o^',"^  ^        ^, 


•:•■.*• 


